The government’s Immigration Whitepaper, published in May, marked a break from convention in Labour’s usual stance on the issue.
Never before have we seen the Labour Party take such a hard line on securing the borders. There is no doubt that Labour see this issue as a threat from the right and a policy area which they must win the argument on in order to secure a second term in office.
Starmer will be keenly aware that incumbency brings scrutiny, and that he must build a credible track record on the issue if he wants to take the wind out of his competitors sails by 2029. Afterall, being unable to take control of the immigration narrative leaves a vacuum for Reform UK to exploit.
We’ve seen from the Conservatives over the past decade that tackling immigration – no matter how sincere your intent – is no easy feat. Critics will say that the Tories failed because they lacked a coherent strategy, and they may well be right, but the deeper challenge is institutional.
Labour now faces the same bureaucratic resistance and legal complexity. There’s also the question of political capital. Starmer’s base is not naturally comfortable with a hardline stance on immigration, and this is already causing tension.
His recent confrontations with the left of his party – not just over immigration, but on issues ranging from Gaza to welfare reform – reflect a broader strategy: Consolidate control over the party line and ideological direction, even if it comes at the cost of internal harmony.
The friction between leadership and membership is nothing new in Labour politics, but it’s becoming more visible – and more politically dangerous – now that Labour is in government.
The language used by Starmer on immigration was strikingly uncompromising – harsh enough that, stripped of attribution, it could easily be mistaken for a Priti Patel quote.
This has already provoked criticism from Labour’s left flank, with some MPs and activists branding the rhetoric inflammatory. But Starmer appears undeterred. He knows he must be firm, both for the national interest and to fend off electoral threats from the right.
A hard pivot on immigration is bound to create further turbulence within Labour ranks, even though Starmer has long argued that “taking back control” is a cause the left should embrace.
The Prime Minister is now fully engaged in the dual role of governing for the country while managing an increasingly fractious party. Maintaining discipline among his backbenchers -many of whom are new MPs swept in by Labour’s landslide – is already proving difficult on social and foreign policy matters.
This infighting is no abstraction. In mid-June, Vicky Foxcroft resigned as a government whip in protest over proposed cuts to disability benefits – joining more than 100 Labour MPs who expressed concern ahead of a key Commons vote.
If Starmer cannot maintain unity on welfare reform, which lies within the party’s traditional policy territory, he will find it even more difficult to keep his party aligned on the far more contentious issue of immigration.
The opposition may struggle to land a punch if Labour is seen to be delivering on this traditionally difficult territory. If Starmer shifts the dial, the Conservatives may be forced to retreat to the economic battlefield and hope Labour’s immigration strategy fails to bear fruit.
But if Starmer wants to avoid repeating the fate of the last Tory government, he must manage not only external opposition, but also internal dissent.
That means keeping his growth agenda centre stage, ensuring that rows with his party’s left don’t dominate headlines, and proving that Labour can both govern effectively and remain unified. Otherwise, internal fractures could prove just as damaging to Labour’s electoral prospects as any attack from the right.
Featured image via Michael Tubi / Shutterstock.
