Macron’s governments have frequently been the focus of political debate, as Lecornu (briefly) became Macron’s fifth Prime Minister. Lecornu’s government collapsed as his right-wing partners refused to collaborate with the nominated PM. More than a political crisis, the current events threaten to turn into an economic crisis. France is still operating on last year’s budget, while the political crisis is a direct consequence of an earlier decision by Macron. Back in 2024, the President decided to dissolve the National Assembly, which led to the current uncertainty. 

Lecornu had a difficult mission: finding a compromise between the Republicans (LR) and the left-wing Socialists (PS), in addition to Macron’s Party. This is a deadlock that has persisted since last year, contributing to ongoing governmental instability. According to the Republicans, the trust has been broken in Lecornu’s proposal, where the PM did not communicate well with LR about the inclusion of key positions, such as Bruno Le Maire as the Minister of Defence. He is accused of being guilty of irresponsibly spending millions from the state budget, which is why he is deemed problematic. Le Maire reacted angrily, and is reported to have said “I’m outta here, no problem”.

The Socialists hold a similar opposition on the other end, claiming that Lecornu tried to disguise his government proposal as a centre-right faction which does not uphold the party’s expectations. PS claim they want serious changes, both on the ecological and social fronts. In the belief that these are impossible with a center-right majority, they have also refused to cooperate with PM Lecornu. This sentiment was even stronger among LFI, the far-left party led by Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who accused the Lecornu government of being “illegitimate”. 

Rassemblement National (RN) has been somewhat silent, instead focusing on picking  up frustrating voters from the Republicans. Following the crisis, Marine Le Pen called for elections, in the belief that it would benefit her party. Indeed, her party benefitted from the dissolution of the Assembly a year ago, as support for RN grows year after year.

Image: President Macron at the Hotel De Brienne – Laurent Blevennec / Présidence de la République

Macron does not have many options left: since 2024, he has relied on minority cabinets to keep power. When he nominated Lecornu for the PM position in late summer, he initially hoped he would gather a compromise between the different political factions. Should he be incapable of finding an agreement, Macron finds himself with limited options.

The first one would be his own resignation, which is something he has repeatedly protested against. With his term ending in 2027, chances are he will never contemplate his resignation, instead opting to continue his presidency despite mounting pressure. Another option would be the dissolution of the National Assembly, which was the joker move he pulled a year ago. The result was the current political crisis, making another dissolution unlikely.

In his nomination choices, Emmanuel Macron has often looked to choose centre-right PMs, in the hope that they would gather support from the Republicans and his party, and potentially some of the Socialist votes. However, one after the other, they have been unable to do so. Macron’s remaining option would be to nominate a Socialist or more left-leaning PM, but this is considered unlikely. The Socialists are known to focus on taxing the wealthy, and other left-wing positions which would make reaching a governing agreement difficult.

Prior to the events of the last three days, Macron promised he would “take responsibility” if Lecornu would not find a compromise between the different factions. All eyes currently point at him, while parliamentary elections may be around the corner. At the same time, France’s budget deficit is expected to reach just over 5% of GDP, which has increased pressure on the new government. The current situation requires urgent actions, while a caretaker PM is unlikely to find a majority to cut public spending. The French market has already experienced a serious downfall in recent days following Lecornu’s resignation.

Image: Prime Minister (Former Defence Secretary) Sebastien Lecornu at the 2025 NATO Summit – NATO

Lecornu, long known for being a Macron loyalist, is not the only faithful soldier who may switch camps. Ex-PM Gabriel Attal, otherwise loyal, slashed Macron’s decision on French TV Channel TF1: “Like many French people, I no longer understand his [the President’s] decisions”. 

Édouard Philippe, a former Macron ally, also said that “he did not agree” with Macron’s vision and “advised him to resign”. 

In a rare move, far-left Jean-Luc Mélenchon joined far-right Marine Le Pen and called for elections, which is why Macron has refused to comply with the request thus far. A meeting is expected between these parties tonight, which the Republicans have already refused to attend, citing a lack of “trust”. RN has also refused to attend, while the Socialists have confirmed their attendance. 

President Macron has been under pressure since last year, but never has all eyes pointed at him. This is why the current political crisis differs from the others, leaving Macron with no good options. For now, French citizens will have to wait until tonight, and see the outcome of Lecornu’s final reshuffle attempt. Should he fail, this could be the beginning of the end for Emmanuel Macron and his party.

Featured Image via Présidence de la République France – Laurent Blevennec

Despite these efforts, Maia Sandu’s Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) secured a decisive victory with over 50 percent of the votes, giving it an outright majority to form the new government. Yet the story is less about PAS’s triumph rather about Russia’s attempts to influence the result.

Before Sunday, President Maia Sandu warned that Russia was behind several cyber attacks aimed at disrupting the election. Indeed, throughout election day, the Electoral Commission (CEC) was forced to temporarily shutdown the official site, counting more than 16 million simultaneous sessions. Other cyberattacks were recorded, though the infrastructure remained intact. Yet Russia did not stop there: in-person troubles were recorded in Moldova’s embassies abroad. Alicante (Spain), Rome (Italy), and Asheville (U.S.) embassies were forced to temporarily evacuate due to fake bomb threats, in an attempt to intimidate Moldovans from voting. Similarly to the Romanian elections, the Moldova diaspora leans towards the pro-EU vote, in this case, for the PAS party.

Despite all their efforts, Russia could not take advantage of the situation in its historic strongholds. In breakaway republic Transnistria, the pro-Russian party “Patriotic Electoral Block” claimed a victory, but 30 percent still voted for the pro-European party PAS. Even worse, this is where Russia has historically looked to influence locals, due to the many ethnic Russians who reside there. Several reports from Moldova recorded that there was an unprecedented influx of vehicles storming towards Transnistria on election day, including another bomb threat. All of this, however, was insufficient to lead voters to the polls, as the region recorded one of the lowest voter turnouts across Moldova. 

Two other regions showed pro-Russian tendencies, one in the North and one in the South. In the South, Gaugauzia has consistently leaned towards an anti-West position, with ethnic Bulgarians dominating local politics. The region also voted against EU integration in last year’s referendum. In the North, the picture is less clear. A mix of ethnic groups and the long distance from the capital, Chisinau, appeared to have fuelled discontent with Sandu’s presidency, pushing many voters toward the pro-Russian bloc.

The outcome was catastrophic for Vladimir Putin’s Russia. Russia is estimated to have spent around €400 million in attempting to influence the elections. Reports also claimed Moscow sought to bribe hundreds of thousands of Moldovans into voting for the pro-Russian bloc.

Image: President Maia Sandu – EPP Group

Not only did the pro-Russian party lose, but it also lacked the numbers to pursue a coalition. Since Maia Sandu’s election as president in 2020, Putin and his allies have tried to influence several key decisions, including elections and referendums, none of which have yielded any return on investment. A protest was organised to challenge the election result, but it drew only about 300 participants, who dispersed within minutes.

Moldova’s geopolitical position has become increasingly important to Russia in recent years. Moscow has sought to influence the country in the broader context of its invasion of Ukraine. Control of Moldova, or at least its capital, could have opened a new front that Ukraine would struggle to defend. Yet despite repeated interference and heavy spending, voters ultimately chose a pro-European course.

If anything, these elections have taught Europe that defending democracy is no easy task. Even small countries can withstand pressure. Just two days before the vote the CEC banned two pro-Russian parties: The Heart of Moldova and Moldova Mare. While Russian-friendly influencers claimed that this was censorship, it is important to remember that these parties are not “just” opposition parties. Both were accused of illegal financing, undeclared foreign funds, and for Moldova Mare, direct ties to KGB (Russian intelligence) officials. 

Russia did not stop at bribery, cyberattacks and fake bomb threats: it also incited violent conduct for its supporters. Several “activists” were arrested by security forces as they sought to provoke unrest in Chisinau. As in the Romanian elections, Moscow spread disinformation through content on Telegram and TikTok, as well as accusing the EU of foreign interference. It also paid influencers who would claim that these elections were rigged and unfair, in an effort to create a climate of unrest.

Image: President Zelenskyy and President Sandu honouring the memory of those killed during the Revolution of Dignity – President of Ukraine

For President Maia Sandu, the victory was a clear sign: “Throughout this campaign, the Kremlin sought to divide us, to undermine our trust — in the state, in our institutions, in one another, and in our ability to resist.” She was not alone in celebrating, as Ukrainian President Zelenskyy insisted on the importance of the result: “These elections showed that Russia’s destabilising activities are losing, while Moldova in Europe is winning”. 

Prime Minister Keir Starmer also congratulated President Sandu: “despite Russia’s attempts to undermine Moldova’s democracy, the people of Moldova have chosen a path of freedom”.

France, Germany and Poland also issued a joint statement, which read the following: “Despite various forms of manipulative interference to destabilise the country, Moldovan voters have shown once again that they will not allow their future in peace and freedom to be taken away from them.”

Featured Image via Parlamentul Republicii Moldova

The protest was primarily aimed at blocking access to Borisov and Peevski, both of whom are seen by opposition MPs as symbols of state capture and corruption. Tensions flared when Peevski bypassed the blockade with the help of his private security detail, prompting a heated confrontation with PP-DB leader Asen Vasilev inside the Parliament chambers.

In recent weeks, Bulgaria has seen a surge of anti-government protests fuelled by a combination of local and national grievances. In northern regions, water shortages have sparked outrage over perceived government mismanagement, while in the coastal city of Varna, demonstrators are calling for the release of Mayor Blagomir Kotsev. Detained since July on allegations of bribery and links to organised crime, Kotsev has yet to face formal charges, prompting opposition leaders to label him a “political prisoner”. The PP-DB argues that the case against Kotsev is politically motivated, accusing Borisov and Peevski of orchestrating a broader campaign to suppress dissent and consolidate power.

Peevski, a controversial figure with deep ties to Bulgaria’s media and business sectors, is rarely seen in public without heavy security. Around 9 AM CEST, he managed to enter the Parliament building, reportedly using a side entrance with assistance from his security team. This led to a physical and verbal standoff with PP-DB members, during which he accused Vasilev of being a “robber” and promised to “shut down” the party. In a bizarre and cryptic remark, Peevski claimed he would “return the country with a big D”; a statement many interpreted as a reference to his own name, Delyan, and symbolic of his ambition to dominate Bulgaria’s political landscape.

Meanwhile, the nationalist party Revival has announced plans to stage a separate protest outside Parliament later today, centered on opposing Bulgaria’s planned Eurozone accession, scheduled for January 2026. Revival has previously mobilised around economic sovereignty and anti-EU sentiment, and their protest is expected to attract a different crowd from the PP-DB demonstrators, though both share a demand for the government’s resignation.

In a crucial test of his leadership, Prime Minister Zhelyazkov successfully weathered a vote of no-confidence in Parliament, his government’s fifth since taking office in early 2025. The motion, tabled by the opposition bloc consisting of We Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria (PP-DB) as well as MeCH and APS was supported by nationalist factions Revival and Greatness. The opposition accused the government of failing to address corruption, political repression and growing regional disparities.

However, the attempt to topple the government fell short, as DPS-New-Beginning, GERB, BSP and “There is Such a People” rejected the vote. Analysts had long argued that despite the disruption and protests, the arithmetic in Parliament was in Zhelyazkov’s favour.

Nevertheless, the event has left a political scar. The dramatic scenes outside Parliament, including road blockades, clashes between MPs and rising civil unrest, signal public confidence in institutions is waning. Even though the Prime Minister retains power, his government now faces the dual challenge of restoring trust and navigating a volatile political climate, with more protests planned and opposition parties pledging continued resistance. While Zhelyazkov has overcome today’s challenge, frustrations persist and the question is how will he navigate his government through the political uncertainty.

Featured Image via Harun Özalp – Anadolu Agency

I arrived at 6PM, meeting other students in the Novi Sad University.  The protest was set for an hour later. As I arrived at the Campus, we walked past the philosophy faculty.

Several policemen were guarding it. A few meters down the street, on the right, I was shown the science faculty by *Slavomir, a Serbian student.

On the occasion of the protest, this was the building where first aid would be hosted, as well as other students coming from other towns (like Belgrade and Kragujevac). 

The inside of the faculty was all set up for the big day. Around 10,000 people were expected to come. Many had already brought their mattresses while students from the faculty stored food.

Around thirty medics formed the first-aid team, with clear labels on their shirts. Students continued to bring food, water and other basic necessities.

Slavomir gave cards with an SOS number, in case students were to be captured by the police. Shortly before 7PM, military veterans patrolled around the different faculties, who also supported the students. They were about thirty.

At 7PM, we were ready to go. We headed down the main road, where several students and related figures would hold speeches.

I asked Slavomir how he was feeling: “We are not nervous anymore, we’re used to it. He reminded me he had been on the streets since the beginning, ten months ago”.

Yet, anxiety remains: “In big protests, you never know what can happen with the big crowds. You are always anxious”, he admitted.

People came from all streets, joining each other in the boulevard. Several thousands attended, without a doubt. Every university and faculty had their own flag, in addition to the Serbian one. At that time, the police were nowhere to be seen.

Similarly to all protests, it started with a dozen minutes of silence, in honour of the victims who died in the train station crash of Novi Sad on November 1st, 2024.

Though it took some time, it eventually arrived in full silence. Crows shadowed a gloomy atmosphere, while drones flying over our heads were the only sounds to be heard.

Then, students of occupied faculties, which are the sports and philosophy, took turns to speak up against an illegitimate occupation.

For a free Serbia and the right to keep the campus police-free, they exclaimed.

So did a teacher of the philosophy faculty. It turned emotional when the mother of one of the victims took her turn: “I don’t know what to say”, she ended. But she knew that “there is no way I can not support you”. 

Between the speeches, every student shouted several slogans as loudly as possible – the most notably being “Pumpaj”, translated to “pump it” – with a heart, symbolizing a movement calling for Serbia’s rebirth, for its heart had been emptied by corruption.

The goal of the students was clear: Besides wanting the police to leave the university, they requested accelerated elections, which President Vučić has refused to do this far. This lasted about an hour. 

Three employees of the Novi Sad Medical Emergency Services, fired for refusing to respond to an unofficial SNS (Vučić’s nationalist party) call to their offices came to help, using their talents to support the students movement instead.

It was about 8:30 when students had decided to press forward with their mission: To free the occupied faculty of philosophy, just round the corner.

The police stood firm, and did not move an inch.

Students came closer, and continued to sing thematic songs. Among them several anti-Vučić chants. People lit flares in different colours while attempting to come closer to the blockade.

By 9PM, the tensions had already started. The police detonated several flash grenades, and everything went loose.

One, two, three. By the third flash, I had moved between the faculty of philosophy and science, in the knowledge chaos would soon unfold.

The third detonated loudly, and a megaphone told students to take refuge. Some did in the rector’s office, but most did, like me, in the guarded faculty of sciences.

I was helping students who were victims of tear gas, bringing them to the first aid station. As I looked for my friend in the building, more and more people rushed inside. Yet, students kept the crowd under control.

Despite remaining inside, with the door open, the gas came up to my eyes. I went from the helper to needing help.

With the assistance of the first-aid team the pain lasted around half an hour. More and more rushed inside, victims of the same thing.

With two other students, we tried to take refuge upstairs. Soon, we realized the gas felt stronger, after which we knew that it was not an option.

By that time, it was 10PM, and everyone was in the halls or the amphitheatres. Within half an hour, we knew that the police had completely taken control of the campus, an exit was no option.

We stayed inside, whilst I needed to update my relatives, worried for me. Most students were familiar with this situation. Food was soon given, while some students helped those who fell unconscious, still outside.

Soon after, several students had been captured by the police, forced to lie on the ground. Some of these included members of the first-aid team.

By 11:30 PM we knew that the police were only a few metres away, attempting to break through the small blockade of veterans who protected the faculty.

From their positions outside they kept spreading tear gas and are suspected to have used pepper bombs as well. All of this was unnecessary. Some students had tried to escape, and were hunted down by the police.

The dean, supportive of the protest, had been beaten by the police but was successfully taken to the makeshift ER. By that point, the police and government-hired hooligans were going for anyone they could find. 

As we were waiting inside, we were told we were in the only safe place of the entire campus. We were luckier than those in the rector’s office.

First encircled, they suffered one of the major shocks of the night: The police continued to gas the students, with smoke from the canisters seen coming out of the windows, in bid to force people out. Those who were still outside were arrested and harassed. Once again, it included medics and journalists, despite the clear press branding.

For those inside, they were locked up by the police, forced to sit in the amphitheatres. Livestreamed, Serbia watched a policeman take a phone away from a student.

Soon after, every phone seemed to have been confiscated: We did not hear from the other protestors for long periods. The police held the students, requesting to see their ID and other personal documents – also confiscating the dean’s legal documents and ID.

Shortly after, we had been notified that one member of the media team had been arrested for using a drone to film the scenes, while a member of the editorial team had also been arrested. Both were released hours after.

Around that time, several students joked around back in the faculty where I stood: “Let’s go, at least we’ll die together”.

Others jokingly complained they needed to smoke. In any case, the veterans slowly pushed back the police. Soon after, a student wrote the slogan of the protest on the classroom whiteboard: “Serbia, do you hear us?”

Some already had decided to sleep, whilst students started distributing snacks of all kinds.  By that point, we knew of several students in tears, in the knowledge that several of their friends had been arrested by the police.

Yet, beyond the initial shock, there were few nerves to be seen – a bizarre normality, it appears the students had become accustomed to such scenes.

Some of the people were older folks, sometimes even parents of the students. By 2:00, many had decided they would stay there, while the surroundings had been cleared for most parts. We called a taxi, while we went down the road.

I thought this would be the end of the story. I was wrong.

A black jeep turned up; Slavomir realized quickly what happened. Without identification plaque, lights or anything, chances were this was an attempt by the police to discretely lift us, having identified us as protestors.

We ran back as fast as we could, while the man in the jeep shouted “boys, it’s safe”. A clear trap. We said what happened, and this time, we went in a group, about six of us. We took the taxi, and I was finally safe, arriving home shortly before 3:00 AM.

This is my story. In the morning, I met the students again. We knew that a few of our colleagues had been freed from the shackles of the police, while four awaited trial.

One of the medics is still held in prison, and students will come support him. It’s hard to estimate, but about fifty must have been injured, if not more.

This is the reality of Vučić’s Serbia, where government-paid hooligans and police hurt students and citizens because there will be no legal repercussions, while the requests of their protests were not unrealistic and demanding demands.

This is the night where I experienced tear gas, and saw how far the police could go. There were no limits, until the end. “Every time we think we have seen the worst, but every time they show us they can take it a step further in their actions”, sighed Slavomir before we parted ways.

*the names have been changed for privacy reasons

The initial requests from the protesters demanded the immediate resignations of several high-profile politicians in the country, including General Prosecutor Borislav Sarafov, ex-PM and current GERB leader Boyko Borisov, and high profile oligarch Delyan Peevski.

Peevski and Borisov have been in highly influential positions in the country for the last decade and both have been accused of various corruption scandals.

Protestors quickly filled the streets of Sofia on Wednesday with the protest starting their march at the National Assembly building, leading through the main streets until Orlov Most, where Peevski’s offices are located.

PP-DB, the coalition party consisting of We Continue the Change and Democratic Bulgaria, confirmed they would push for a vote of no-confidence in Sarafov’s leadership as he had not taken steps to resign.

The protest demanded further action, saying: “If we have to, we will block the entire country in order to remove this government.

“Peevski’s song has ended, and citizens will remember what he has done.”

Claims of corruption and a two-tier justice system were discussed, with protestors telling Politics Global: “There are two Bulgarias. One pays taxes and struggles to survive; the other lives off corruption. We protest because we refuse to finance parasites”. “Freedom” they shouted for nearly a minute.

The protest organizers insisted that the problem does not stop with Borisov or Peevski themselves, as “Borisov may retire soon, but there will be new Borisovs and new Peevskis. This country has been captured by parasites”. PP-DB MPs made it clear: “We have been patient for too long. This time, there won’t be patience. And there shouldn’t be”. 

In 2013, Borisov’s first government collapsed as mass protests erupted, originally due to concerns over a monopolistic policy in the energy sector, leading to extremely high energy costs for residents. These protests would later expand to include other aspects of Borisov’s first government and further political monopolies.

Despite his first government collapsing, he was able to regain power on two occasions, but his cabinet collapsed again in 2021, amid further protests. The corruption charges in 2021 were more serious, with public funds allegedly taken to finance a villa in Barcelona.

Yet, despite Boykov Borisov not being formally in power (only as leader of the opposition, GERB), he continues to control several cities, like Plovdiv, where mayors of his party are in power.

Peevski’s political troubles are similar, marred with corruption and monopoly accusations due to his role as a Bulgarian media mogul, and a number of fraud and embezzlement cases, as well as accusations of paying off judges to avoid persecution. He also has strong political ties to GERB, financing the party heavily.

One of the focuses of the protests was clear: Corrupt politicians which have “captured” the institutions should not be anywhere near power: “The current government has tried to go against the European courts, to stop European law from being applied in Bulgaria”. 

Emil Georgiev, a renowned lawyer in Bulgaria, insisted on the dangers of letting the guard down: “This is a soft dictatorship, one that lies and is hypocritical, but a dictatorship nonetheless”. The speeches took an emotional turn, calling to “fight for the country, because this same country once called for ‘Freedom or Death’. This country has become a kleptocracy, slowly prepared to become a dictatorship’.

PP-DB MP Bogdan Bogdanov, from Pleven, warned about the danger of GERB-influenced cities, arguing that they have siphoned off wealth and growth from their towns, with Bogdanov saying: “Our city had 180,000 people, now barely 80,000. They tried to bury the future of my children.”

Pleven recently made the headlines as one of the most-impacted cities by drought and water shortages, with the local administrators, GERB and the government, being blamed for failing to upgrade water pipelines in the region.

Though Pleven is the most famous case of it, Bogdanov also said: “This is not the only city. Shumen is also among the worst-hit, where the water cuts are even worse”. 

A 85-year old man, of the name of *Nikolay, from Sofia, expressed his discontent with a poster which read: “I like to eat pork, but I don’t like swine in politics”, referring to Peevski.

Surprised to see one of the oldest participants, I asked him why he was protesting: “I’m here for the young people”, he told us.

The protest was staged on the first day that MPs returned to work with the first plenary session of autumn, following the summer holidays. PP-DB MPs reminded supporters and protestors that “the next days will be crucial, they will decide the future of our country”.

Despite a crippling economy and more than a million deaths, Russia is believed to have the cards on the battlefield. More and more influencers in the west are starting to claim that Ukraine is sucking up much-needed taxpayer money.

However, these issues are self imposed by Ukraine’s western “allies”, specifically by the USA, who have never allowed Ukraine to attack its opponent.

On Sunday night, a report published by the Wall Street Journal claimed that the Pentagon blocked Ukraine from launching its missiles into deep Russian territory.

The block primarily focuses on US-supplied long-range missiles, ordered in person by Elbridge Colby, who serves as the Pentagon’s undersecretary for policy. However, it also extends to European-made missiles which use U.S intelligence. 

This is not the first time it has happened. The U.S, even under the Biden administration, carries a long history of denying Ukraine a major strategic victory.

The deliveries of the first weapons were slow, as Americans claimed long-range missiles in Ukrainian hands would lead to “an escalation” of the situation.

At the same time, the U.S continued to supply Ukraine with defence systems. In other words, Ukraine was allowed to defend itself, but not to attack an opponent looking for an absolute destruction of the Ukrainian state.

Many Americans credit their country for helping Ukraine in weapon deliveries, but few mention that they benefitted the American economy, with many of them only touching upon the defensive end of the war industry.

Starlink, which operates both in Russian and in Ukraine, was pulled out during a Ukrainian counter-offensive back in the first year of the war. The result was utter chaos and the destruction of Ukrainian war tactics on the battlefield. 

Under Donald Trump, the US-Ukrainian relationship has only deteriorated. While Ukraine is pulling off a heroic counter-offensive on its ground against Russian troops, the U.S have become their most unreliable partner.

Trump repeatedly pushed for a “peace agreement” between the two parties, while requesting concessions only from one side, the defendant – Ukraine.

Trump famously told President Zelenskyy that “he does not have the cards”, claiming that Crimea should be recognized as Russian by Ukraine, in addition to conceding several contested territories in Eastern Ukraine. 

Trump went as far as inviting Putin, who has an ICJ arrest warrant in place against him, onto U.S. territory, with an official visit to Anchorage, Alaska. By then, it had become obvious that Trump served Putin, as the latter was comfortable in taking questions from journalists while trampling on his servant.

While Trump thinks he is achieving peace as he aims for a Putin-Zelenskyy summit, he is the reason that U.S. diplomacy has become synonymous with a circus show back in Russia.

As further proof of his flip-flopping, two days ago, Trump posted tweets which seemed to support Ukraine, by the end of the weekend he had halted the delivery of several Patriot missile systems, claiming that the U.S. stockpile was running low. 

Trump’s associates are the first to blame Ukraine for its unwillingness to negotiate with Russia. Vice-President J.D Vance even claimed that “even in WW2, the war ended through negotiations”.

Both Trump and Vance have repeatedly claimed that Ukraine cannot win this war, and regularly frame an image that Ukraine is gradually losing land, while Russia will inevitably win. The truth could not differ more: Russia has claimed less than 3 per cent additional land in three years.

Due to slower developments on the front throughout this year, several people would claim that there is a stagnation on the front, which is why Ukraine would have to accept a ceasefire, if not a peace agreement in which Russian-controlled territories would be annexed by Russia.

What this forgets is that the front has not advanced not because of Ukraine’s short-comings, but because of the several unfair limitations imposed on Ukraine. 

The long-range missile restrictions are not the first of its kind. Until a few months ago, the U.S. would only allow Ukraine to defend itself, but never to attack on Russian land.

By definition, this is a written request of assisted suicide. No war can be won purely through defense. When Ukraine was allowed to strike, several counter-offensive turned out to be successful, as Ukrainian drones have continued to strike Russia’s refineries and other key infrastructures that fuel Russia’s war economy.

It is common sense to allow Ukraine to strike wherever it needs to, but Trump’s camp and the U.S. have never wanted a Ukrainian victory.

Trump’s goal is not American, but his own. For his business interests, he needs the war to end so he can start trading with Ukraine again, but with a sympathetic Russia. He has tried several times to stop Russian sanctions, with the clear intent of resuming trade. This is also why Trump keeps giving Putin “two weeks”, which by now have become a clear time-wasting technique.

Trump is Putin’s medium, a manchild with the most powerful position in world politics. This is also why the U.S. have become less and less meaningful on the ground: Ukraine learned that the U.S. are not only an unreliable ally, but complicit in Russia’s ethnic cleansing of Ukraine. 

If Ukraine has allies, then they will allow her to strike anytime, anywhere. After three years, too many lives have been lost, while Russia continues to ignore all human rights, war crime after war crime.

It is not only in Ukraine’s but also Europe’s interest to win this war, which can only be done by supplying Ukraine with everything it demands. Russia cannot win this war: It could not even defeat Ukraine with the help of North Korea, Laos, Iran and other puppets. 

If Ukraine is granted everything it asks, a victory won’t be a matter of “if”, but a matter of “when”. The claims that the U.S. or the West did nearly enough to supply Ukraine the sufficient tools to win this war are not only ridiculous, they are an insult to all the victims of this war.

As Ukraine celebrated on Sunday its National Flag Day, and of Independence of the Soviet Union, it deserves better than being continuously backstabbed by Russian agent Donald Trump. 

Featured image via Joshua Sukoff / Shutterstock.

Over the months, police violence has only worsened as President Aleksandar Vučić refuses to back down.

Though the first protests last year saw students taking to the streets demanding justice for incriminated classmates arrested for participating in the blockades, the movement has expanded beyond students.

The longer the protests, the more violent the Serbian state has become. Civil war seems a probable outcome as Vučić refuses to advance the timeline for an election. 

Most will remember the culmination of Vučić’s barbarism when his officials decided to use a sound cannon amid the eleven minute of silence in Belgrade during the country’s most-attended protest, which was estimated to have reached at least half-a-million in the Serbian capital.

Deemed illegal by most international bodies, Vučić’s blood thirst did not stop there. He was warned by students that civil disobedience would follow if he failed to announce advanced elections this summer.

He did not. We have reached a week since the renewed wave of protests, which in this case have grown to become increasingly violent.

The police have already detained over a hundred people for attending the protests, leading to increased tensions between the two parties.

In retaliation, the SNS (Vučić’s party, in power for the last twelve years) offices have been vandalised by protestors in Novi Sad, 70km north of Belgrade.

While Vučić-led media deplored the “violence” of protestors, the local population alleged that police forces cracked the skull of a young girl.

This is not the first time Serbs have been subject to extreme police violence across the last months. The regimes’ forces have regularly resorted to teargas in an attempt to disperse protestors, while Vučić himself called protestors “terrorists which we must free Serbia from”. Last week, he insisted he was proud about his repression: “we send 3,000 policemen across Serbia every day”, promising bonuses to his loyalist policemen.

Expectedly, this has raised concerns across all Europe, with the EU Ambassador to Serbia requesting that “fundamentals rights, like the right to peaceful protests be upheld”.

The Serbian government, on their hand, has brushed all these critics away. President of National Assembly Ana Brnabić responded that the country continues to aspire for EU membership, while deploring “attacks against the Serbian police”, which she says “cannot be reduced to peaceful protests”.

Meanwhile, a sixteen-year-old child was violently battered by several policemen in the streets of Valjevo, 100km south of Belgrade.

On the other hand, the Kremlin has offered support to Serbia. The Russian Foreign Ministry responded by claiming that “we cannot remain unresponsive to what is happening in brotherly Serbia”.

In the meantime, Vučić’s forces continue to regularly use armored vehicles against protestors, with the exact number of injuries remaining unknown. In response, several protestors lit up several trash bins on fire. 

None of this will stop, on the contrary. Earlier this week, Vučić accused the West of destabilizing Serbia: “Our country is in grave danger, they have jeopardized all our values, normal life, and every individual”.

His Minister of Interior, Ivica Dačić, promised to “arrest every single one of them”. He also has repeatedly denied reports of aggravated police violence, shifting blame on protestors for starting the clashes instead.

For older protestors, this year has been reminiscent of the year 2000, when Serbia forced Slobodan Milošević out. The major difference being that the latter backed down rather quickly, and gave up almost instantly.

In the case of Vučić, he has only doubled down as he continues to protect himself through the media and foreign partners (like the Kremlin), while claiming he is fighting terrorism.

This is much worse. Reports claimed last month that the Serbian government has been using spyware against activists or citizens who speak out against Vučić’s actions for nearly a decade, with equipment supplied by an Israeli company.

As such, targeted state violence towards individuals for speaking out against Vučić’s weak leadership has been a repetitive pattern.

This is now a much bigger issue than how it originally started, when a train crash in Novi Sad crushed sixteen people.

This is a question of a true resistance against Vučić’s wrongdoings, as he continues to double down on his actions. 

Unfortunately, only time can tell how far he is willing to go. With limited international aid, it is only Vučić’s and his policemen against the rest of the nation.

He has tried employing police violence, forcing them to be as brutal as possible, in exchange for salary bonuses. None of this has stopped Serbs from continuing to protest against a violence state, which repeatedly dehumanizes them.

It is likely that Vučić will eventually back down, unless he will try to rig elections in his favour. In either case, students and the rest of Serbs have nothing to lose, and will go as far as needed until Vučić’s ousting.

Too many have been detained, criminalized, injured, or (in)directly killed by policy brutality to give up. As Vučić’s brutality knows no borders, the country’s future looks rather gloomy as civil war seems unavoidable at this point. 

Featured image via Bobica10 / Shutterstock.

He claims to have ended the war between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and that he has been a key mediator between India and Pakistan, and between Thailand and Cambodia.

Though nobody has credited him for any of it, Trump continues to chase a “mediator role”, having invited Putin in Anchorage, Alaska. There is only one “but”: It’s all a smokescreen, and not a very good one. 

Trump this, Trump that. Many “negotiations”, yet the man famous for understanding the “art of the deal” has not struck gold. One of his key promises for his second presidency had been to “stop the war that [Joe] Biden created, within a day”.

It has been 210 days, and no peace is in sight. Donny has tried taunting President Zelenskyy, even humiliating him in Washington in a heated exchange, in addition to a flurry of angry tweets, or Truth Socials, shall I say.

At Anchorage, Trump was in turn humiliated by Putin, who he believed to be his friend. He thought he had all the cards (as he told Zelenskyy), yet laid a red carpet for a war criminal on U.S. territory.

Even Fox News, usually critical of Ukraine and supportive of Trump, understood it was a humiliation. Trump appeared soft, while Putin looked stronger than ever.

Once again, Putin tricked him into a PR blunder. Yet Trump has only doubled down on his ideology, giving Putin yet another “two weeks”. Two long weeks, the longest weeks I have ever experienced, as they started back in February. 

Trump has been outplayed by Putin. Every meeting, every negotiation is an opportunity for the Russian Butcher to feed his troll. These meetings never amounted to any concrete conclusion.

They are Putin’s cheap way of buying time, by feeding Trump lies he will “make efforts”. Every time there has been a negotiation table, the Russian delegation has come with unacceptable demands.

This, of course, is part of the Russian strategy. It is a never-ending cycle, in the knowledge that Zelenskyy’s camp will refuse the conditions.

At Anchorage, the Russian delegation demanded the recognition of the Russian language in occupied territories. It refused the mediation from the West as peacekeepers or deterrents, while requesting a complete removal of Ukrainian troops in Donbas and Luhansk.

Moreover, Putin’s camp demands to annex territory it does not control. Sergey Lavrov, the Russian MFA, was pictured in Anchorage wearing a hoodie with a CCCP inscription, in reference to the former Soviet Union. 

For Russia, there is a clear strategy: Trump is a clown, and he will entertain the Russian crowds. There was never a serious proposition leading to peace, while Trump has become Putin’s useful idiot. It’s a never-ending cycle, which Trump and Russian supporters in the West have not understood. 

Russia keeps laughing at America: While Trump talks things with Putin out, Russia doubles down on its ethnic cleansing efforts in Eastern Ukraine.

Since Trump’s arrival, Russia’s aggression has only continued. After every ‘meeting’ between Zelenskyy and Trump, Russian state-propaganda labelled the Ukrainian hero a warmongerer for refusing Putin’s unacceptable demands.

However, Ukraine will not fold. Too many have been lost, yet Russia fails to advance in Eastern Ukraine. Zelenskyy knows that not only does he not want to recognize Russia’s claims, but that it would also be unconstitutional.

Ukraine’s legislature has documents declaring that Crimea is still Ukrainian, with a similar case for Luhansk and Donbas. More than Zelenskyy, it is Ukraine who would refuse any sort of international recognition of Russian-occupied territories, be it Donbas, Luhansk, or Crimea. 

Yet it does not matter for Trump. He would give any territory for his ‘peace prize’. If he could, he would give the entirety of Ukraine territory away.

Unfortunately for him, Russia cannot finish the war, because even the few advances have been slowed down by Ukraine’s defense.

Soulless soldiers, solely motivated by money, have proved to be quite ineffective. Russia has been forced to rely on North Korea, China, Iran, and Laos to keep enslaving the country to Putin’s imperial fetishes. 

No meetings will change that, for Russia only understands a violent language. While Trump is trying to organise a trilateral meeting which would involve him, Putin, and Zelenskyy, this is unlikely to ever happen.

This would legitimize a Ukrainian government, which Russia has not done in two centuries. Putin is a coward, and would rather continue waging war on Europe than meet Zelenskyy a single time, especially not if he will be surrounded by his European colleagues. 

There is only one end to the war, and it is not through meetings. They have never achieved anything, while Putin continues to trump Donald.

The war will be finished through sanctions, additional weapons and equipment supplies to Ukraine. Through time, it has become obvious that the U.S. have proved to be an unreliable partner. This is why Finland’s model is the one to go for: To keep buying weapons for Ukraine, no matter where from. 

Russia has not advanced in three years, and that with a Ukraine forced to defend instead of attacking. Earlier this week, Azov confirmed they countered Russia’s attack in Pokrovsk, the current hottest point of the invasion.

Meanwhile, Russia has suffered over a million casualties in this pointless war. In the meantime, Trump continues to chase his ‘peace prize’ and will do anything to get it. Fortunately, he is rather powerless in that aspect, despite being the American President.

He will keep pressurizing Zelenskyy for a deal, while inviting a war criminal on U.S borders, even shaking his hands and looking up to him. For Trump serves nobody, no nation, no ideology but himself. Every ‘peace’ deal he has claimed proved to be someone else’s work, with his narcissistic interests at the center of his presidency.

Featured image via Ahyan Stock Studios / Shutterstock.

It did not take long for Dodik to resort to dramatic populist rhetoric, as he told local media that the public should be offered a referendum, with the question deciding whether RS citizens accept Dodik’s sentence of a year in jail and a six-year-long ban in national politics.

The Republika Srpska leader also insisted that “The mandate was given to me by the people”, then “I will listen to them in the referendum”.

Dodik did not hold back in the press conference with journalists. He emphasized that he “would not kneel nor crawl, but will fight”.

His vision of the future of RS has been criticised for being deeply Islamophobic. Shortly after he said the following: “Good times are coming for RS, I will break the illusion of any cooperation with Muslims, who are pathological enemies of the Serbian people”.

For a region where Serbs mercilessly killed over 8,000 Bosniaks thirty years ago over their faith, it is more than a destabilizing comment.

Dodik would not stop there. Vice-President of the RS region, Ćamil Duraković, a representative of the Bosniak community in the region, described on Twitter how Dodik had tried to harass him and his colleagues that same day. Dodik retaliated, with Duraković being asked to return his official vehicle, before his apartment contract was terminated by the Cabinet of the President.

This had been done without any prior warning, on the same day as CIK’s decision. This is a move is a sign to the courts that Dodik is not afriad to disregard the rule of law further in his quest to intimidate the Bosniak community. As Duraković wrote: “Only time can tell how far Dodik is willing to go”.

Dodik’s intimidation attempts did not go unnoticed. President of the Bosniak-Croat, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH), declared public support on Facebook for Duraković: “He will not be left without support and ensuring basic conditions for work and performing the duties to which he was elected in accordance with the Law.”

On the other hand, Serbian Interior Minister wrote to Serbian press agency SRNA that “If today they can remove a president elected in democratic elections, tomorrow they could abolish Republika Srpska itself. The Serb people will not remain silent in the face of injustice.”

Dodik also received support from Bosnian Serb politician Rod Blagojević, former governors of Illinois in the U.S. He likened Dodik’s situation with Donald Trump’s, claiming it “is a true aggression, an abuse of the law against political opponents […] similar tactics that were used against Trump are now seen in the rest of the world”.

He did not hold back when it came to America’s role: “The U.S. are not the police of the world, but they have a big outreach. It is in America’s interest to support Bolsonaro and Dodik, and to work against the aggression while they are liked by the people”.

It is all but over in Bosnia and Herzegovina. While CIK have removed Dodik from office as the RS President, it will take a little bit more to dethrone him as he continues to preside over the entity, no matter how illegal it is on paper. How law enforcement acts in response to his increasingly illegal and aggressive actions shall be the true determinant of RS’ future.

Featured image via Alexandros Michailidis / Shutterstock.

In the session held earlier today, commissioners confirmed an order terminating Dodik’s term in office.

As a result Dodik is no longer federally recognised as President of Republika Srpska (RS) and, in the eyes of the Bosnian central Government, his office is now vacant.

However, practically speaking, Dodik remains in charge of the levers of Government in RS, including the region’s autonomous paramilitary forces.

Following the judgement, Dodik expressed his anger on social media platform Twitter/X, calling it “another piece of crap from Sarajevo”.  The strongman also stated: “When I was sworn as Republika Srpska’s President, I swore to protect state secrets, perform my duties, defend and represent the interests of RS citizens, to uphold the Constitution and laws of BiH and RS. CIK was not mentioned.”

Milorad Dodik served as the president of RS for XX years within but was sentenced last Friday for defying the order of Bosnia’s High Representative to the region back in July 2023. 

Since that sentencing Dodik has received messages of support from his allies: Hungary and Serbia. Hungarian president and ally Viktor Orbán received Dodik in Budapest yesterday, accusing the EU of an “unacceptable globalist agenda”.

Hungarian MFA Péter Szijjártó also publicly declared his support through an official post on Twitter/X, insisting that it is “in Hungary’s national security to have stability in the Western Balkans”, to which he added that “any foreign interference is harmful and dangerous”.

 Hungary has been Republika Srpska’s most important foreign investor, having contributed through financial aid to the completion of energy and infrastructure projects worth over €100m.

Further south, Dodik’s Serbian allies have also condemned this morning’s move, with ex-PM Miloš Vučević, describing it as “a shameful act and an attack against the Serbian people” in an Instagram post. Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić also assured that “Dodik is always welcome on Serbian territory”, confirming he would not be arrested if he were to visit, following the question of a journalist last Monday.

Bosnian Croats however overwhelmingly supported CIK’s decision, with Democratic Front chairman Željko Komšić calling it “a step forward”. Bosniak politicians echoed this sentiment, with MP Denis Bećirović insisting that “Dodik is not above the law”, saluting the decision of CIK. 

As for Bosnian Serbs, reactions have been mixed according to party affiliations. Dodik’s Party, SNSD, claimed it was an attack against Bosnian Serb politicians, and assured he would appeal the decision as soon as possible. On the other hand opposition parties within RS have welcomed the decision.

It is the most powerful position in Bosnia, as it overrides any federal ruling, and is in charge of ensuring that the Dayton Peace Agreements, signed in December 1995, are respected by all parties.

The peace agreement ended the Bosnian War and split the country into two regions – the Bosnian-Serb majority Republika Srpska (RS) and the Bosniak-Croat Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH).

Under Dodik, Republika Srpska has threatened to secede as it increasingly came closer to Serbia. This has been a pattern since the independence of Bosnia & Herzegovina, with the two regions struggling to coexist.

Dodik did not stop his aggression at defying Schmidt’s orders. Although he started as a “moderate” political figure at the beginning of the 2000s, he increasingly questioned the legitimacy of the Srebrenica genocide and pushed for closer ties to Serbia.

The Bosnian presidency is rotated every eight months, between all three ethnicities – Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs. While Bosniaks, whose families survived the genocide thirty years ago, still await justice and reparations for the massacres in the 1990s, the Bosnian Serbs have increasingly denied the genocide and rejected the need for reparations.

When Bosnian courts requested Dodik answer for his actions earlier this year, the Bosnian Serb leader instead decided to boycott the call-up.

He staged a rally in Banja Luka, RS’ administrative capital, worsening the divide between Serbs and the other two ethnicities, in the knowledge they would support his separatist rhetoric. When the Bosnian Special Forces sought to arrest Dodik, he went as far as signing a law that blocked them from doing so.

Dodik’s genocide denial has had severe consequence. He would regularly park his special forces vehicles close to the Srebrenica Memorial Center, in an attempt to intimidate the victims or survivors, eventually forcing the Memorial Center to close its door to the public half a year ago, as the lives of survivors were endangered and no longer felt safe.

When the Bosnian Special Forces were after him, Dodik first claimed that in the name of Republika Srpska, he would not leave the region. He shortly after betrayed his people, first visiting his friend Viktor Orbán in Hungary before flying to Moscow for Russia’s Victory Parade on May 9th.

While Dodik looked for protections in Hungary, Russia and Serbia, Lithuania declared a no-fly zone for Dodik’s plane.

Dodik is not the only one to claim secession within RS, one regional official, Miloš Lukić was initially viewed as complicit in ignoring the OHR’s orders, has been acquitted.

There are also complicit actors outside of RS: Russia also refuses to recognise the authority of OHR Christian Schmidt. Orbán has also sharply reacted to Dodik’s sentencing, insisting that he was “elected by the RS people as their President”. He has been Dodik’s main collaborator in recent months, though isolated on the European scene. 

In a statement on X, Orban claimed: “Hungary does not recognise the court ruling against President Milorad Dodik.

“Attempts by EU-appointed overseers to remove him for opposing their globalist agenda are unacceptable.

“He is the rightful, elected leader of the Republika Srpska – we firmly oppose Brusselian meddling in sovereign matters. Nothing can stand above the will of the people”

One would assume that Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić would be happy to support Dodik in the name of ‘Greater Serbia’. However, Dodik’s lack of effective diplomacy, with his foreign trips filled with controversial quotes, has led to take a more careful approach when it comes to his alliance with the RS leader. 

In addition to that, Vučić cannot afford to deal with RS’ issues considering he is facing a difficult exercise at home, with students blockading Belgrade and a majority of Serbia’s biggest cities for half a year following the train station crash in Novi Sad in November 2024.

While the court’s decision could be appealed – it is unlikely that Dodik will chose to do so, making the likely result that he will spend a year in jail and be banned from office for six.

For Bosnia and Herzegovina, this is a major victory. Dodik has tormented the country’s legal systems for the last few years, with his region (RS) struggling economically.

His name has been linked to major corruption scandals, besides the persecution of his political enemies. Dodik controlled the media environment that often amplified his narrative.

The preservation of the Dayton Agreement is key to retain Bosnia and Herzegovina’s independence. To keep it, some key decisions need to be made in order to avoid the rise of ethnonationalism, important to avoid another remake of Srebrenica, thirty years after the genocide.

Featured image via  RSplaneta / Shutterstock.

This came just two months after President Zelenskyy drafted a law which allowed the government to oversee appointments, effectively removing a layer of their state separation.

The two concerned agencies, SAPO (Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office) and National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) were accused by Zelenskyy of Russian infiltration, opening the door for regulation and oversight.

His plans were strongly opposed by the Ukranian people, with critics arguing it extended the government’s power beyond its legitimate reach, and would eliminate one of the few independent means of tackling corruption in the country, and issue which has plagued Zelenskyy’s government since he took power in 2019.

The decision to overturn the bill was passed quickly,. For the first time in wartime Ukraine, the country was filled with protests requesting that the new law be overturned. Ukrainian citizens believed this was a crackdown on a necessary organization, which in recent months had ramped up their anti-corruption efforts.

This controversial bill has allowed Zelenskyy’s sceptics in the West, especially those on the American right-wing, to claim that Ukrainians wanted the President out.

For me, this is a far fetched take. Ukrainians have always been a resilient people in their history, and only mean to correct Zelenskyy; they do not wish for him to leave (alteast not without an election).

Several protesters held banners calling Zelenskyy by his nickname, Vova. This is what makes it clear – the Ukrainians are serious – no longer addressing him with respect as President or Zelenskyy.

The European Union reacted by temporarily cutting aid in protest, while addressing Ukraine as it claimed to be “alarmed” over the new law. International pressure was growing, while Ukrainians continued to protest in front of Zelenskyy’s office.

French President, Emmanuel Macron, however said on X: “I welcome the signing by President Zelenskyy of the new law that guarantees the full independence of Ukrainian organizations tasked with fighting corruption. This is an important decision for Ukraine, democracy, the rule of law, and the European path.”

It should be noted that this was not exclusive to Kyiv, with a majority of Ukraine’s major cities suffering a similar fate. Brussels-based POLITICO published shortly after an essay, in which it ruled that Zelensky’s move was criticized as a self-sabotage. 

While Vova first defended his position as he explained it was a crackdown on pro-Russian infiltrators, the (Inter)national pressure soon led him to think twice. After consultation with NABU, he announced a new bill would be drafted, promising the restoration of its autonomy.

The anti-corruption agency confirmed Zelenskyy’s declarations, leading to a Parliament vote. It was a unanimous vote, with no one voting against or even neutrally, with the exceptions of 6 MPs who abstained. 

The morning after the vote, Ukrainians gathered together in front of the Parliament in support of NABU and SAPO’s independence. Ukraine, a nation which suffered a smear campaign as Zelenskyy’s detractors used this move to fuel their agenda, proved it can fight for itself.

While many pointed fingers at the President claiming it demonstrated his corrupt agenda, Zelenskyy was quick to act and heard his people, eventually backtracking. He thanked Ukrainians and the Parliament for a smooth decision on the law that reinstated the independence of NABU and SAPO. 

Featured image via Review News / Shutterstock.