Zelenskyy’s concerns align with those of Estonia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (EFIS), which warns that Russia is actively reorganizing its military presence near the Estonian border. According to EFIS, Moscow aims to expand its armed forces to 1.5 million soldiers by 2026, while also shifting away from reliance on Western components in favour of Chinese supplies. The agency emphasizes that this build-up is not just about sustaining the war in Ukraine—it could be a prelude to future aggression against NATO.

Meanwhile, Ukrainian outlet Pravda reports that 1,000 North Korean troops are undergoing training under Russian supervision, learning to operate newly produced military equipment, including drones. North Korea’s role in the war has been growing, with Pyongyang supplying Moscow with artillery shells and missiles in exchange for energy and technological assistance. Ukrainian sources claim the first wave of North Korean soldiers deployed near Kursk struggled with advanced technology and have since disappeared from the battlefield. As a result, Russian forces in the area are now outnumbered, with Ukrainian drone superiority playing a decisive role in pushing them back.

In an interview with South Korean newspaper Chosun Ilbo, a captured 26-year-old North Korean soldier, identified only as Ri, revealed that before battle, an officer told him that “all the drone operators in Ukraine’s military were South Korean soldiers.” The claim reflects long-standing Russian and North Korean propaganda narratives attempting to frame the war as a broader Western-led conflict.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov escalated rhetoric earlier today, addressing the Duma by stating that Moscow is “concerned about the growth of Neo-Nazi ideas in Ukraine, the Baltic states, several European countries, and Canada.” Meanwhile, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov confirmed that a potential meeting between Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump could take place by the end of the month but admitted it might be delayed.

Russia also launched another missile and drone strike on Odesa overnight, plunging over 250,000 residents into darkness amid widespread electricity and heating outages. Mayor Henadii Trukhanov reported that 14 schools, 13 kindergartens, and over 500 residential buildings in one of the city’s largest districts have been affected. The attack is part of a broader Russian strategy targeting Ukrainian energy infrastructure during winter.

An unnamed NATO official estimates that Russia has suffered 837,000 casualties—wounded or killed—since the invasion began. The same source confirmed the presence of 11,000 North Korean troops in Kursk but noted that only a minority are actively engaged in combat. The latest UK intelligence assessment, based on Ukrainian estimates, claims that January 2025 was Russia’s deadliest month yet, with around 48,000 personnel losses. Similar figures are anticipated for February as Russia continues its offensives.

“I heard the first strikes at 6AM.”

Serhiy was in his late teens when Russian forces invaded Luhansk, a city located in Eastern Ukraine. The danger of war had already cast a shadow over his final school year. “We had some discussions about a possible invasion in school. The other schools cancelled their graduation party because of it, ours was the only one to stage it.”

Born and raised in Luhansk, Serhiy straddled both worlds. He had relatives across Russia and Ukraine, and like many in Eastern Ukraine, Russian was his mother tongue. While his family wasn’t the poorest, sacrifices were made for his education. In pre-invasion Luhansk, the main industry was coal mining, and Serhiy worked as a kindergarten guard while seeking better opportunities.

The region’s proximity to the Russian border made it vulnerable to criminal enterprises. Some of Serhiy’s classmates had already chosen dangerous paths. “Baldan, a classmate of mine… I was looking at my phone when he came to me and said ‘give me your phone and your money.’ I knew what voice it was, but it was dark. He let me go when he recognized me.”

Violence became increasingly common. One night at a local club would cement Serhiy’s decision to leave. “We were in a disco, the mayor of our city was there. He stumbled on my shoulder and yelled at me – I was just 17. My friend Oleksandr Varov protected me. I stayed outside to smoke. They were shot in the disco with an automatic weapon.”

The economic situation deteriorated rapidly. “I wasn’t paid for six months, only received humanitarian aid,” Serhiy recalls. His father, who worked as director of a technical college preparing coal miners, faced the same situation. The uncertainty pushed many toward desperate measures. “Some friends offered me to smuggle goods. 25 euros for 10 minutes at the border. You run through a field to the Russian village, bring back a box. You don’t know what’s inside, but it weighs 10 kilos. I first agreed, then refused. I was scared of being caught.”

By October 2014, the situation had become untenable. A double currency system was implemented, accepting both Ukrainian Hryvnia and Russian rubles. “Bread cost 20 rubles,” Serhiy remembers, highlighting how Russian influence was creeping into daily life.

When Serhiy finally decided to leave, he first moved to Chernihiv, a city close to the Belarusian border. He tried university there but left within weeks. The choice ahead wasn’t easy: go to Russia, where wealthy relatives awaited, or remain in Ukraine. “I wasn’t sure whether to stay in Russia where I have relatives who were well-off, in Saratov. Or to be in Ukraine.”

In September 2015, Serhiy chose Kyiv, enrolling at the National University as a Food Technologist. His mother, who had been director of a kindergarten, moved with him, taking work as a babysitter to fund his education. “She was absolutely pro-Ukrainian, she realized something bad was happening,” Serhiy explains. His father stayed behind. “He thought it could be a good tool for our economic development.He didn’t want to move anywhere, and his father was sick.”

The division in Serhiy’s family reflected broader tensions in Luhansk society. Russian propaganda had been laying groundwork years before the invasion. “Already in 2013, I heard ‘Donbas is feeding the whole Ukraine,'” Serhiy recalls. “The mines were not profitable, but it was preparation. They said we gave money to Kyiv and felt it was unjust.”

The creation of the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics in 2015 wasn’t a genuine cultural movement. Instead, it capitalized on local frustrations. The Ukrainian government’s support for displaced families – about 20 pounds per month – inadvertently fueled pro-Russian narratives about Kyiv’s neglect of the region.

“At the beginning I tried to remain neutral, because my relatives were split,” Serhiy says. “I was reading both Ukrainian and Russian media, I wasn’t sure who was right. The first year, I was trying to make sense of the situation.” But as Russian influence became more apparent, particularly in Crimea and Donbas, Serhiy’s perspective began to shift.

Over the next seven years, Serhiy would return home only three times, making the journey through Russia due to the difficulty of legal crossings. Each visit revealed how his homeland was changing, as Russian influence deepened and connections with Ukraine weakened.

Then, in February 2022, Serhiy would face another invasion – this time in Kyiv, the city he had chosen as his new home.

[*Name has been changed for privacy]

Crucial to the first stage, set to take 42 days, will be a hostage deal. Hamas will free 33 Israeli hostages captured in the October 7th attacks, reportedly women, children, men over the age of 50, and those who are wounded and sick. This includes female soldiers. The two sides have agreed for Hamas to release seven captives a week during the first stage, until all living women, children and older people still held in Gaza are freed.

For every civilian hostage released by Hamas, the Israeli government will then free 30 to 50 Palestinians, mostly women, children and elderly people. For every female soldier released by Hamas, the Israelis will set free 50 Palestinian prisoners- with limitations. Palestinians serving time for deadly attacks on Israelis are to be included, but individuals responsible for the October 7th attacks will not be released. 

Hostages’ families protest (Flickr/ Amir Appel)

During this exchange, the Israeli military would retreat from most of the Gaza Strip, except a buffer zone on Gaza’s border with Israel, and the Philadelphi corridor, which forms the border between Gaza and Egypt. The plan also entails the re-opening of the Rafah crossing between Egypt and Gaza, to allow desperately needed foreign aid to enter. The agreement then also allows the return of displaced Palestinians to their homes in northern Gaza.

The draft ceasefire agreement finally outlines what comes after the first 42-day stage, stating all remaining hostages are to be released in return for a complete Israeli withdrawal from Gaza. Negotiations on how exactly this second stage is going to look will resume during the first one. If this deal is agreed on, however, its first stage would bring peace to Gaza for the first time since October 7th. 

The plan itself has been around for a while, with US President Biden presenting a peace resolution in May 2024, whose three stages almost mirror the current deal. Israel and Hamas have negotiated variations of that plan ever since Biden unveiled it, with talks repeatedly breaking down. So why do they seem ready to agree on it now?

For many, Benjamin Netanyahu was long the main hindrance to peace talks. The Israeli president has had a corruption trial and inquiries over the national security failure on October 7th looming over him: “It was in Netanyahu’s interest to prolong the war, because as long as it goes on there will be no call for accountability,” Oliver McTernan, director of conflict resolution charity Forward Thinking, told the BBC. Additionally, right-wing members of Netanyahu’s government had threatened to resign if he would accept a deal, possibly collapsing his government.

But with pro-ceasefire protests across Israel in the last few weeks, and recent polls showing 72% of Israelis supporting a deal, Netanyahu may have had to give into the pressure. He is also not risking the collapse of his government anymore, having recently added a new party into his coalition, which now has a comfortable majority even if the far right back out. 

Another reason for Netanyahu to soften his position may have been Donald Trump. Keen to start off his tenure in the White House with a foreign policy success, Trump is reported to have pressured Netanyahu to enter negotiations, and the Israeli president may wait for Trump’s first day in office to announce he has accepted the deal.

Hamas was also under increasing pressure to enter ceasefire talks. Decimated by relentless Israeli airstrikes and ground operations, and with its allies Hezbollah and Iran also struggling, Hamas is weakened. Internally, the group has had to fend off criminal gangs in Gaza itself, and confront growing internal friction with Fatah leader Mahmoud Abbas. Israeli envoys have also said the group has been more open to negotiations after the death of its leader Yahya Sinwar, who the Israelis say categorically blocked any kind of hostage deal. 

For both sides, the ceasefire could thus come at a convenient time. But Qatari mediators say the negotiations could still fail- the plan has its weak points.

Firstly, the hostage exchange, the basis of the entire deal, is in question. In their tunnel system below Gaza, Hamas have lost track of where some Israeli hostages are, and whether they are still alive. Multiple Israelis are reportedly also held by other Islamist groups and not by Hamas, making organized releases difficult. The ceasefire could fail in the very first stage, simply because Hamas cannot produce the 33 hostages.

Another issue is that Israeli representatives have maintained they need to have a basis in Gaza itself to make sure Hamas does not rearm. The current draft would not allow that, but it has been discussed Israel may be allowed to have access to the crucial Netzarim corridor in Gaza during the first stage, allowing it to control the strip better. However, Hamas still needs to agree to this.

But even if all issues within the first stage are resolved, the second one might prove the most difficult. With the draft vaguely stating that all remaining hostages have to be released and Israel has to fully retreat from Gaza, both sides appear deadlocked. Hamas has said it will not release all hostages until Israel has left Gaza entirely, while Israeli representatives say they will not leave Gaza before all their hostages are home, and they have guarantees Hamas does not take power there again. 

Speaking to reporters on Tuesday, US foreign secretary Anthony Blinken provided a possible solution, saying the international community should come together in an “international stabilization and security effort”. Blinken also stated some international partners had agreed to contribute troops to maintain order in a self-governing Gaza.

Despite this, Benjamin Netanyahu has reportedly only signaled his support for the first stage of the ceasefire, not the second one. The two sides resuming the hostilities after the first phase is not unlikely. A temporary ceasefire may be close, but long-term peace could be as far as ever.

One of the key provisions of the new media law is transparency, requiring media organizations to disclose their ownership publicly. A clause also mandates the disclosure of AI involvement in content creation.

To support struggling media, the law includes plans to help newspapers transition to the digital space. The law also introduces a clause aimed at limiting mergers between media organizations, which could threaten editorial independence.

Another of the key points concerning the protection of journalists is that the installation of spyware on their devices is prohibited. More mechanisms will also be introduced in media in order to limit hate speech. Slovenian Minister of Culture Asta Vrečko explained that the law aims to ensure freedom of expression, which highlights the government’s position on the need to modernize laws with the ever-changing media landscape. She has argued that the law is essential for ensuring media freedom and transparency, stating, ‘This law is a step forward in modernizing our media landscape and ensuring that Slovenia meets the challenges of the digital age while safeguarding freedom of expression.’

While it may seem great on paper, the law wasn’t well-received by all. Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) MP Zala Tomašič expressed her concerns through a social media post earlier this week, raising several questions about the law.

According to her, the law is too superficial, leading to ambiguity and subjectivity in the interpretation of the new media law. She believes this could lead to power abuse, making the law counterproductive.

Furthermore, she believes that inspectors in charge of investigating whether there’s a breach under the law, especially under the bill of hate speech, could lead to fines, which are likelier to target individuals instead of media organizations. She repeats the criticism in this case of the wording being too superficial, leaving the interpretation open to inspectors.

She also requested the government clarify whether influencers are seen as media too, which would force them to comply under the new regulations. Zala also questioned whether politicians, such as President Borut Pahor, would be considered influencers. Another key point is her questioning the need for his media law when the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) covers similar challenges and is expected to be enforced in all European Union member states.

As a MP in the European Parliament, Zala published an open letter directed at the European Commission, asking the following questions:

• Does the Commission believe that the law complies with European standards regarding freedom of expression?
• Is increased state funding to independent media consider that it respected the principle of media independence in the EU’s legislation?
• How does the Commission assess that the transfer of powers from judicial to administrative bodies without clear cirteria , and does it believe it threatens freedom of expression?

The use of laws to codify censorship was, in fact, a hallmark of Janez Janša’s administration. In this sense, Zala Tomašič isn’t alone in believing the hate speech bill, as well as the lack of detail in the law, could lead to increased government mediatic control.

While the critics are valid, the law is the first major overhaul of the Media Act in 20 years. As such, it signals the government’s intent to enhance transparency in media, introduce regulations for AI usage, assist smaller media in digitalization, and protect journalists from increased digital surveillance. Helping smaller media organizations to digitalize, as well as protecting journalists from increased digital surveillance.

The new media law sets the stage for a modernized Slovenian media landscape, but its long-term impact will depend on its implementation and the balance it strikes between protecting freedom of expression and preventing government overreach.

The Embassy of Portugal wasn’t the only attacked entity the week preceding Christmas. As Russian missiles targeted Kyiv, the Church of St. Nicholas was damaged. It is the second-oldest Catholic Church in the Ukrainian capital, and one that survived World War II. This comes only one day after Vladimir Putin’s annual report, presented live on Russian TV. He didn’t fail to surprise, claiming that “everyone wants action”, while also refuting the claims concerning a crashing Russian economy. According to Mr Putin, his country’s economy has been growing steadily, while “other economies like Germany are stagnating.” He also developed the “Oreshnik”, Russia’s latest missile. He called it an experiment, saying it would be “interesting”. Ukrainian president Volodymiy Zelenskyy reacted on Twitter, calling Putin a “dumbass”. 

A journalist asked whether the war would soon end. Putin calmly answered they weren’t “taking land by 100, 200 or 300 meters”, but instead were now taking “square kilometres”. About 10,000 North Korean soldiers arrived by late October, with Russians struggling to mobilise. The troops were mostly deployed in Kursk, a Russian region which suffered Ukrainian advances. Ukrainian Intelligence Agency GUR confirmed that North Koreans suffered casualties in Ukrainian counter-attacks, many of which are said to have no combat experience. President Volodymir Zelenskyy confirmed the GUR are trying to establish how many of the casualties on Russia’s side were North Korean.

While the spotlight lies on Kyiv, Dnipro, and Kharkiv, other cities have become ghost towns since the beginning of the war. Olek, a Dnipro-born student living in Nikopol tells his story of how this town evolved through the years of the war: “When the war started, I was prepared to evacuate…but I didn’t think anyone cared for our city, or that the Russians were even interested in Nikopol”. In 2022, the city still had about 100,000 inhabitants, located in South-East Ukraine. Five months into the war, the unthinkable happened: “On July 12th 2022, which is considered a holiday in our family, our city was shelled for the first time”. The Russians entered in spring Enerhodar, a city located just opposite of Nikopol by the River Dnepr. Olek recalls his worries: “They entered the plant, and we were worried something similar to Chernobyl might happen”. 

He says he could see the Russians shelling Nikopol from the other side of the river, using the plant as a shield. Artillery strikes became a normality, occurring several times per day. Additionally, he says Russia started using drones in 2023. He says the river was the only thing preventing Nikopol from being the frontline. Most people could flee, but with Olek’s family forming part of the city council, he couldn’t. By now, Nikopol has only about 10,000 inhabitants according to his estimates.

While Russian forces tried to raze cities to the ground like Bucha or Mariupol, this wasn’t the case for Nikopol. Instead, they use the surroundings as a testing ground for new artillery, especially for recruits. Olek says the timing coincides with the arrival of North Korean troops. Nikopol’s story is untold to the international audience, with Ukrainians forbidding the international press to step in. Even Western Ukrainians are largely unaware, as Nikopol is rarely mentioned. Eastern Ukrainians, on the other hand, do know about it: and it’s nobody else. I asked Olek why that was, a question he couldn’t answer.

Isolated cities like Nikopol have a hard time, not only because they do not exist in the outer world, but because of the humanitarian situation. A local reservoir was gone by 2023; the so-called Kakhovka Reservoir. Nikopol endured a harsh summer that year, without any water. The city depended on rainfall and on a little humanitarian aid. However, in both cases, this water isn’t drinkable, as it isn’t purified. The humanitarian aid came from Dnipro-based charities, but this was once again not mentioned in the media. 

In the developments of last week, the Russian Chemical Weapons Chief Igor Kirillov was killed in Moscow, one day after the Ukrainian Security Service SBU set him on the war criminals list. Russian sources claim he died as he stepped on an explosive scooter. Igor Kirillov is well known in the UK, as the Foreign Office described his actions during wartime as “barbaric”, having used chemical weapons at the front. He also famously said he wanted to “develop a dirty bomb” to be deployed in Ukraine. This is seen as a major blow for Russians, given that this happened in Moscow itself. 

Ukraine also announced on Friday that it will block the gas streamline connecting Russia to Europe through Ukraine, starting from Jan 7th, 2025. Countries like Slovakia, which depend on this pipeline, have expressed discontent, as Slovakian PM Robert Fico visited Vladimir Putin in Moscow on Sunday. Hungary, another country dependent on Russian gas, is looking for solutions with the “Southern Stream”, which connects Russian gas to Europe through Turkey and Bulgaria. Hungarian PM Viktor Orbán visited Bulgarian President Rumen Radev in attempt to strike a deal for Lukoil refinery, which has been at the centre of controversies for the EU, given that it has helped Russia circumvent EU sanctions since 2022.