Both leaders were optimistic about their party’s chances in the upcoming elections in May 2026.

Gillian Mackay, MSP for Central Scotland announced that the party hit a record number of members this year with over 9,500 members.

Free bus travel for everyone in Scotland

Ross Greer, MSP for the West of Scotland, announced proposals for free bus travel for all.

This would be funded by higher taxes on the super rich and corporations.

This comes after the free bus travel for under 22s scheme, a Scottish Greens policy which was first launched in 2022 and has been highly utilised by Scotland’s young people.

Greer said: “Free bus travel for young people has been such a success that we want it to go further.

“Our manifesto will commit to delivering free bus travel for everyone in Scotland.

“We will brind to an end the four decades of failure that is the privitisation of the bust network.”

New tax on the super rich and big corporations

Greer also announces plans to bring higher taxes on the super rich and large businesses which would help fund schemes such as the free bus travel.

The Scottish Greens manifesto is to include proposals to introduce new taxes on “online retail warehouses”, such as Amazon.

The party is also proposing an extra rate on large banks such as Barclays and JP Morgan, pointing towards the fact that they have “huge offices” in Glasgow.

Greer also announced a charge on “casinos and bookies” which he said are “often exploiting the most vulnerable people in our communities”.

Expansion of funded childcare

Gillian Mackay said the party would extend the current funded childcare hours to all children in Scotland from the week after they turn two.

Mackay pledged this Greens policy would be the largest expansion of funded childcare for a generation.

She announced that extending the current funded childcare hours would mean a funded place for 43,000 more children in Scotland.

The proposals also include 570 hours of funded childcare for all children in Scotland from the age of six months to two years by the end of next parliament.

She said the move by the Scottish Greens would result in “more children learning, more parents back at work, and more money in families’ pockets.”

Gillian added: “Too many are being saddled with nursery fees that cost more than the mortgage.

“Too many cutting back on essentials and having their choices made for them, rather than having the independence that comes with a fairer system.

“That’s why, at this election, the Scottish Greens are proposing the biggest expansion of funded childcare for a generation.”

Upcoming Scottish election

Addressing her first conference as Scottish Greens co-leader, Mackay stressed that there is only a short while until the next election saying: “We have 75 days to change Scotland.

“Only 75 days to build a fairer, greener and better Scotland.

“I don’t want us to be a country where thousands of children are growing up in totally avoidable poverty where hunger is a part of so many daily lives.”

She carried on to discuss the party’s previous achievements reiterating the success of the free bus travel for under 22s scheme and mentioned the Greens securing of free school meals for thousands more children.

The Monarchy

In her speech, Gillian Mackay also said: “There is no case for hereditary rule in the 21st century.

“It is a ridiculous, antiquated relic of a system that flies in the face of democracy.”

She continued: “The problem goes far beyond Andrew. It is the system that created him and allowed him to have so much power in the first place.”

This is in reference to Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor’s recent arrest over suspicions of misconduct in public office.

Mackay concluded her statement on the royal family saying: “Conference, it’s beyond time that we abolished the Monarchy.”

Unfortunately for Nigel Farage, the odds of a general election happening soon are close to none, since Keir Starmer managed to fight his way back from the edge of resignation, after support from his parliamentary party.

The Rally made clear early on that this was not intended to be a conventional political event. Jeremy Kyle, acting as Master of Ceremonies, opened proceedings by gesturing towards the press seats and remarking “Oh, there’s the press. There they are,” before adding, “Don’t fall up the stairs, idiot.” This rhetoric mimics Donald Trump’s attacks on the so-called “fake media”, albeit without any of Trump’s likability.

Richard Tice

Richard Tice was introduced first, positioned as Reform’s managerial antidote to political failure. He framed the Party’s rise as an “entrepreneurial political start-up”, claiming Reform had gone from “literally… 1 per cent to “almost a thousand” councillors in under five years, relying almost entirely on the language of efficiency, promising to “cut wasteful government spending” and strip out regulatory “dither and delay.”

Birmingham, repeatedly cited as proof of Labour incompetence, was described as a city that could be “sorted, saved, and fixed by Reform”, though without any explanation as to how this would occur beyond the assertion that the Party would simply do better. Whether they actually would is debatable, considering other counties under Reform control in the Midlands, notably Warwickshire and Worcester, have not truly benefitted from Reform leadership. In fact, fiscal issues have arguably worsened.

Robert Jenrick

Immediately after, Robert Jenrick marked a shift from attempting to convince the masses with managerial rhetoric to decreeing Reform as the party of moral necessity. He implied his defection from the Conservative Party was the result of the Tory Shadow Cabinet being unwilling to admit that “Britain is broken”, recounting a meeting in which senior Conservatives rejected outright the phrase that has since become his war cry.

Further, he contrasted this with his own experience speaking to voters facing rising bills, stagnant wages, immigration pressures and failing public services, attempting to portray a dichotomy between how the Conservative Party views the state of Britain, compared to how the general public believe it to be. Reform, he suggested, is prepared to acknowledge the decline where other deny it, a framing that conveniently avoided any scrutiny of Jenrick’s own previous role in the governments that are now being held responsible for that decline.

Interestingly, Jenrick wasn’t attempting to appeal to Reformers, but instead, to current Conservatives, pleading with them to defect as he did. Loyalty to party, Jenrick argued, must give way to loyalty to country. He promised that Reform would “arrest our decline, stop the boats, secure our borders, raise living standards, fix our public services and restore pride.” The breadth of the ambition was striking, not least because it was delivered without reference to timelines, trade-offs or institutional constraints.

Speaking after the event to Jenrick, when asked about the emotional toll of defecting, the MP reaffirmed that leaving the Conservative Party had been difficult for him, but that fixing the country mattered more than party loyalty. Interesting, considering Reform believes loyalty to the movement to be core values for members.

Other Speakers

Lee Anderson followed, leaning fully into performative populism. Casting Reform members as the “people’s army”, he claimed that the majority had never previously belonged to a political party, presenting Reform less as an ideological project and more as an emotional outlet for accumulated frustration. His contribution relied heavily on ridicule and nicknames aimed at Labour figures, reinforcing the sense that Reform’s primary offer is cultural alignment rather than administrative competence.

After that, Andrew Rosindell described his move to Reform as liberation from a Conservative Party that had become overly managed and restrictive. Reform, he argued, allowed him to speak freely and honestly, likening the experience to “a bird being freed from a cage.”

Another Conservative defector, Danny Kruger attempted to supply Reform with institutional credibility, speaking of drafted legislation, civil service reform and readiness for government. He argued that the state had become obstructive, that intentional law had displaced parliamentary sovereignty, and that withdrawal from the European Convention on Human Rights was essential. It was the closest the rally came to administrative detail, though the solutions proposed relied more on confrontation with institutions than engagement with them.

Law and order dominated Sarah Pochin‘s intervention. Presenting herself as an outsider rather than a career politician, she promised an immediate national inquiry into grooming gangs and described the justice system as politicisied and failing victims. When asked whether a Reform government would act instantly, she replied, “Absolutely guarantee it”, a certainty delivered without any accompanying explanation of scope, legal process or parliamentary support. Although, Pochin did say how far elitism has penetrated politics, in particular, the fact that many MPs within Westminster come from “Cambridge, Oxford, Eton”, particularly ironic considering a majority of Reform MPs had attended private school, three of whom later went on to study at Oxbridge.

Suella Braverman completed the sequences by directing her criticism squarely at her former party. She accused the Conservatives of delusion, betrayal and cowardice, insisting they had never intended to leave the ECHR despite repeated promises. Drawing on her experience as Home Secretary, she argued that the convention had prevented deportations and undermined border control, presenting Reform as the only party with the resolve to act where others had failed.

And yet, Braverman remained a Conservative MP for almost two years prior to the Rwanda failure, despite Reform already growing in the polls at that point.

Nigel Farage

And then, at long last, it was time for the main event. Introduced by a barrage of pyrotechnics, Nigel Farage appeared on stage to a cacophony of cheers, once again appearing MAGA in nature. Farage’s keynote speech leaned heavily into cultural grievance, most notably in his outright dismissal of working from home, which he labelled “a load of nonsense.” He insisted that people are more productive when physically present with colleagues, framing remote work as symptomatic of a broader collapse in discipline rather than a response to technological or economic change.

This argument was less about productivity and more about signalling, positioning Reform against what Farage clearly views as a post-pandemic culture of flexibility, accommodation, and personal comfort. He then extended this line of attack by likening working from home to welfare dependency and what he described as an overtolerance of “mild anxiety”, arguing Britain requires an “attitudinal change” away from work-life balance and back towards hard work.

As with much of the rally, the point was not to offer policy, but to allocate blame, recasting structural economic issues as individual moral failure. It was an easy applause line, but one that reduced complex changes in how people work to little more than a lecture about character. A rather ironic one, considering that those in attendance clearly weren’t putting work first, as attending a rally at midday on a Monday isn’t something the majority of workers would be able to do. In fact, the only individuals truly working at the rally were the press, whom had been so cruelly ridiculed just hours before.

Following Farage’s keynote speech, a press conference was staged in front of the crowd, with journalists required to identify their outlet before asking questions, which lead to cheers from the crowd after GB News was introduced, and boos for the BBC. During the exchange, a reporter from the Daily Mirror asked about past comments made by Jenrick regarding demographic change in Birmingham, specifically whether integration should be by “the number of white people” in an area. Farage reframed the issue in terms of language and community before blaming “excessive levels of immigration” for social division. The press conference was brought to an abrupt end immediately afterwards, with no further questions taken.

Farage closed the rally by rejecting the charge that Reform remains a “one-man band”. Announcing that applications for general election candidates had opened earlier that afternoon, he declared the party on a “general election war footing” and promised the imminent unveiling of a shadow cabinet.

Rally Theatrics

Finally, the parliamentary team was brought onto the stage together, presented as evidence of growing depth and seriousness, even as most of the substance remained deferred to a later date. After that, they decided to shoot Reform Football Club shirts into the crowd from t-shirt cannons.

The rally concluded much as it began: loudly, theatrically, and with confidence undimmed by contradiction. Reform UK left Birmingham presenting itself as a government-in-waiting, buoyed by spectacle, certainty, and the underlying assumption that acknowledging Britain’s problems is equivalent to having the solutions. Speaking after to Reform supporters and politicians, the atmosphere was obvious – Reform isn’t just political.

Reform has become the identity of some individuals, becoming the party of supposed morality, rather than solely policy. In reality, all the rally managed to prove is that Reform isn’t yet prepared to fix Britain’s broken systems. Perhaps decreeing the Conservatives as the party who broke Britain, whilst platforming former Conservative Party members as the future of Britain, doesn’t instil confidence in, blindside or convince voters.

Minister Narayan, drawing on his experience as a venture capitalist and civil servant, outlined his ‘three Ss’ framework: Stories, Salience, and Skills. The concept aims to make artificial intelligence more inclusive, relevant, and accessible. He emphasised the central role of neural networks in driving economic growth and improving lives, reaffirming the government’s commitment to responsible innovation. The event featured contributions from Dawn Butler, Fatima Kamara, Lee Baron MP, and Emily Darlington MP.

UK Artificial Intelligence report launch

The evening began with the launch of UK Artificial Intelligence’s new report, Taking Responsibility for Diversity and Bias in AI, which examines how government, industry, and regulators can share responsibility for creating systems that serve everyone. Organisations that embed inclusion into artificial intelligence design are better placed to earn public confidence, attract talent, and drive growth.

Using real-world examples from sectors including recruitment and healthcare, the report shows how bias can arise through a lack of diversity, unrepresentative data, or opaque systems. It calls for earlier intervention, stronger transparency, and leadership across public and private sectors to prevent these issues from becoming systemic.

Labour, equality and artificial intelligence

The report’s conclusion communicates how fairness in artificial intelligence must be incorporated from the start. To lead globally in responsible innovation, the UK must strengthen standards, invest in skills, and ensure accountability across the neural network ecosystem.

The report’s launch was accompanied with speeches from Dawn Butler, Fatima Kamara, Chair of 1987 Committee, Lee Baron MP and Emily Darlington MP. Tackling diversity and bias in artificial intelligence is – and will become increasingly – vital as machine learning develops further. It is a sentiment which naturally aligns with Labour’s political mission, of commitment to fair and equal opportunities across society. If the UK is to be a leader in artificial intelligence, it will need to benefit everyone in its society.

Minister Kanishka Narayan MP’s vision

Minister Kanishka Narayan set out a clear vision for the future of artificial intelligence in the UK economy. Drawing on his experience as both a venture capitalist and civil servant, Narayan blended industry knowledge with public service insight, seeking to demonstrate his reliability as a publically-oriented figure to drive the tech sector.

Narayan’s Three S’s

The Minister has a track record of promoting technology adoption in his constituency, notably through his ‘All Hands on Tech’ campaign, which aims to increase artificial intelligence literacy and access across local communities in Glamorgan. Narayan outlined a practical framework for national progress centred around what he called the ‘three Ss’:

1. Stories: Highlighting real examples of how neural networks are improving lives and delivering tangible outcomes for people and businesses.
2. Salience: Ensuring artificial intelligence feels relevant and accessible, rather than abstract or remote from everyday experience.
3. Skills: Equipping people with the confidence and capability to use machine learning tools in their daily work and lives.

Narayan described artificial intelligence as something with the power to ‘bind us all together in a national vision’. During the discussion, questions covered a range of topics, from energy pricing – which Narayan noted was the issue most frequently raised at the conference – to artificial intelligence adoption in industry. Responding to a question from ServiceNow, a UKAI member, he referenced examples of AI-driven innovation in local call centres using the company’s technology.

Artificial intelligence policy development

Minister Narayan’s remarks demonstrate an ambitious approach to neural network policy. His policy plans attempt to stay grounded in practical experience and an understanding of both the economic and human dimensions of technological change. His commitment to placing artificial intelligence at the centre of the UK’s growth strategy was well received by attendees, offering reassurance that the sector has a champion with both vision and credibility.

UK Artificial Intelligence CEO Tim Flagg expressed his keeness to work collaboratively with Minister Narayan to advance innovation, inclusion, and long-term growth, as the UK seeks to consolidate its position as a global leader in responsible artificial intelligence.

Framing the arts sector as ‘our global economic superpower’ Dinenage not only underscored British arts’ contribution to GDP and ‘soft power’, but also called for a more integrated, collaborative relationship between AI development and the creative economy: a unity rooted in mutual respect, protection of intellectual property, and shared growth.

Celebrating the Arts

At the Get Britain Growing reception, Dame Caroline Dinenage MP gave an impassioned celebration of Britain’s creative sector. Indeed she has a long-standing record of championing the arts and culture, most recently serving as Chair of the Culture, Media and Sport Select Committee (formerly the DCMS Committee), which scrutinises government policy on culture, media, arts and broadcasting. Within that role she has both challenged budget cuts to the arts, and has also engaged with the government’s Creative Industries Sector Plan, pressing for stronger ambition and clarity in support, especially for smaller and independent arts organisations.

She celebrated Britain’s rich creative tradition and heritage: ‘our creative industry sector is our global economic superpower. We’re bloody brilliant at this stuff’. Not only on a domestic level, she emphasised, but internationally, the UK’s artistic scene harnesses a vast power, attracting global capital and audiences. She noted that in 2023, around £5.6 billion was spent on British film and high-end television, much of which was overseas investment – testament to the country’s world-leading cultural prowess.

Global cultural ambassadors

There are plenteous, oft-celebrated examples of Britain’s industrial talent, symbolised in manufacturing giants such as BAE Systems and Rolls-Royce. But, Dinenage argued, the UK’s creative exports, from the Royal Shakespeare Company and National Theatre to global cultural icons like Ed Sheeran and Dua Lipa, are equally vital ambassadors of British innovation, culture, and influence.

She described this as boasting potentially ‘huge firepower’: ‘our creative industries do so much for our economy, but they also do so much for our soft power around the world’.

A False Divide: AI and the Creative Economy

However, Dinenage lamented, the creative industries are consistently ‘pitted against’ the AI sector. She feels that this does not need to be the case: to her, it is ‘deeply unfair’ and frustrating. She insisted that the arts have always been early adopters of technology, actually very in touch with its rapidly moving developments – she cites language dubbing in films as an example of AI harnessed for creative endeavour. By not maximising the potential of the unity between creativity and AI, we inadvertently pit the two against each other, Dinenage insisted: the forces do not need to be warring or competitive.

A Record of Support and a Call for Integration

The creative economy and AI development, she insisted, must grow together, underpinned by strong intellectual property protections and mutual investment. The AI sector, she claimed, depends upon ‘having vibrant and solid creative industries, but also having really solid and vibrant intellectual property’ which is protected, maintaining its high-quality output.

She suggested that the government could benefit from the same sort of partnership she demonstrated during the pandemic: when she introduced the film and TV restart scheme to facilitate the continuation of British film and television through the pandemic.

Ultimately, Dinenage considers the creative sector one of Britain’s greatest gifts; but its potential can skyrocket, and the UK can unleash its full growth potential, once brought into more sustained collaboration with the AI and technology sectors.

Speaking at the Get Britain Growing: Conservative Conference Reception, the Rt Hon Mel Stride MP, Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, delivered an address on the future of Britain’s economy. In his speech he called for fiscal discipline, increased growth and productivity, and a renewed national focus on development, skills, and technological innovation.

He claimed that although there are ‘many strands that feed into’ the UK’s growth and productivity, ‘technology and AI’ are among the most vital. He framed his speech in political terms, seeking to uncover the ways in which the Conservatives can distinguish their stance from the Labour government’s: ‘what to focus on as an opposition […] so that when we get into government, we can then come up with the right policies to drive growth and turbocharge all the great things that everybody is doing today?’.

The Conservatives’ Vision for Growth and Competence

He urged that the next government must be ‘the adults in the room, the grown-ups’, committing to policies that are fully costed and independently verified by the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR). The country, he insisted, ‘will live within its means’, not making unappeasable promises. He considered Labour’s increased social, public, welfare and domestic spending a problem: ‘our national debt at the moment is running at 100 billion pounds a year, which is twice what we spend on defence’.

His vision is one of Conservative accountability: that they will become the ‘party of fiscal responsibility’. He did, however, concede Conservative failure on this point: ‘we will wrestle back that mantle of economic competence, which we did lose briefly’. Stride ultimately seems to express hope for a transformed Conservative party, one that can rebuff the new political threat of Reform, and yet return to a former state of austerity spending and select tax cuts.

Reforming Tax and Spending

Stride set out several areas for reform. He heavily emphasised the need to reduce the tax burden, ‘particularly for businesses’, to unlock investment, job creation, and wealth creation. He then called for more efficient government spending, criticising the post-pandemic expansion of the civil service from 315,000 to 515,000 employees as indicative of ‘a bloated state’. He also underlined the importance of tackling welfare reform and government waste, promising to ‘get on top of the welfare bill’.

Skills, AI, and Economic Transformation

Turning to the future of work, Stride expressed certainty about the transformative power of AI and the imminent radical change of the economic and skills environment required to match its fast-paced development. He questioned the extent to which higher education is actually ‘providing sufficient value’ to students. His introduction of the idea of investing in technologically-driven skills and apprenticeships mirrors Labour’s recent apprenticeship agenda. AI, in this instance, is both a challenge and an opportunity: demanding a flexible response from business, educational institutions and government alike.

Unblocking Infrastructure and Energy

Stride also addressed the supply-side barriers to growth, from planning reform to infrastructure investment. As evidence of how planning delays hold back innovation, he cited Cambridge’s shortage of laboratory and office space, in part due to a lack of water infrastructure. He criticised the UK’s slow delivery of infrastructure: ‘We haven’t built a reservoir in this country for 30 years’.

Energy was also broached: naturally vital to AI due to the vast amounts of energy required to power data centres, he warned that the UK’s high electricity costs will soon be unsustainable. ‘We’re paying about five times what the Chinese are for electricity, five times what the Canadians and the Americans are, 50% more than the French and the Germans’ – not easily reconcilable with a ‘growing and productive economy’.

A Party of Responsibility

Stride’s speech sought to paint the Conservatives as the party of responsibility: ‘we’re going to be the only party out there that’s going to be talking in a sensible and grown up way’. This represents a marked distancing tactic from the chaotic, unprecedented U-turns and disorder during the party’s leadership under Boris Johnson and Liz Truss.

The Bournemouth International Centre was filled with electric energy, reality, and, most importantly, hope for a better future for all.

The Green Surge that followed the 2025 internal elections, with 10,000 members joining in under a month, marked an inspiring moment for the Green Party.

This surge not only demonstrated the party’s increasing popularity but also its potential to influence the political landscape. It was a testament to the growing movement that all attendees took pride in being a part of.

Harriet Lamb: ‘We’ve never had so much press coverage.’

My time at the Green Party conference began with a fringe session for party members to be properly introduced to the party’s new CEO, Harriet Lamb, and new deputy CEO, Chris Williams, who most notably serves as the party’s elections officer.

A significant focus of the session was to make it clear that the Greens were thinking big going forward, that their target of more than 30 MPs at the next general election was too small; however, one significant barrier got in their way: Funding.

Despite this, the Greens remain undeterred. Their unwavering focus on large-scale crowdfunding is a testament to their resilience and determination to overcome administrative issues and strengthen their foundations, inspiring all who support their cause.

Zack Polanski: ‘We will make sure that the very wealthiest pay more tax.’

Zack Polanski’s speech, a highly anticipated moment, was a powerful and inspiring start to his leadership journey. His appointment marks a new era of hope, and the energy in the room was absolutely incredible.

Every single person in that hall believed in him, and he was met by standing ovations more times than I can count.

Zack was introduced on stage by Carla Denyer, MP for Bristol Central and former co-leader of the Green Party. Carla chose to step down from her role as co-leader to focus on her position as an MP.

Zack opened his speech by giving his supporters what they wanted most: Connection. He shared a personal anecdote, making the audience understand that he wasn’t above them, but one of them. This personal touch in his speech made every listener feel a part of his journey.

Zack’s speech was personal, powerful and exceptionally raw. All these things combined are the reasons why Zack is gaining more and more supporters every day. In fact, Zack Polanski fans are now being referred to as “Zacktivists,” a term that reflects the growing enthusiasm and support for Zack’s leadership within the party.

Zack’s main aims during his leadership will be to implement a wealth tax on the assets of the wealthiest, to end the genocide in Gaza and to allow asylum seekers and immigrants safer and legal routes to the UK.

It’s clear to me that Zack is the person in the room who isn’t afraid to say what everyone is thinking, an authentic voice for the people.

‘Unprecedented use of terror laws to silence people speaking out’.

Following Zack’s speech, I attended a panel on attacks on protesters.

The most shocking part of the panel was the heart-wrenching personal account of Just Stop Oil activist Cole Macdonald, who emotionally and bravely told her story of protesting for the climate, which has unfortunately left her physically disabled.

The Green Party’s unwavering support for the right to protest was evident in this panel, and their active call for the organisation, Palestine Action, to be de-proscribed reaffirms their commitment to civil liberties, providing reassurance to all who value these rights.

Anthony Slaughter: ‘Labour’s support in Wales is collapsing.’

In the afternoon, Anthony Slaughter, the leader of the Green Party in Wales, delivered a speech in which he stated that Labour’s support in Wales is collapsing.

Anthony Slaughter comes across as a very nationalistic figure who is proud to be Welsh, and his main political aims are the promotion of the Welsh language, culture, and the upholding of Welsh values.

It came across that Anthony Slaughter is proud to be Welsh and stated that: “For Reform, Wales is nothing but a stage post on the way to Downing Street.” He also spoke about his concerns regarding the Reform Party’s plans to scrap Welsh language goals in schools.

Here’s a look at what they each had to say.

Tom Tugendhat

Tom Tugendhat positioned himself as the candidate of “substance” and “principles,” calling for a Thatcher-style revolution to revive the Conservative Party. His speech struck a defiant tone, declaring that the UK “can’t afford Labour” and condemning Keir Starmer’s government as “the most venal and vindictive” in recent memory.

Tugendhat, who said he was frustrated with Westminster’s political games, promised to “rebuild CCHQ from the ground up” and make Conservative voters proud again. He pledged to transform the party into a “campaigning winning machine” ahead of the general election, adding: “My mission is to win, and I have never failed a mission yet.”

He laid out plans for an “effective deterrent” on legal migration, proposing a cap of 100,000 a year, while acknowledging that businesses still need workers for sectors like health and social care. Tugendhat also vowed to strip back “excess regulations” from the NHS and deliver “great education wherever you live.”

James Cleverly

James Cleverly focused on reconnecting the Conservative Party with the British people, acknowledging past mistakes. He began by apologising to party members on behalf of Tory MPs, saying, “we have to be better, much better,” but also urged the party to be “proud of our record,” including achievements like delivering Brexit and cutting crime. “Don’t let anyone trash our record,” he added.

Cleverly positioned himself as the candidate capable of steering the party back to its core values, and said the party should draw inspiration from his “political hero” Ronald Reagan. “Let’s be enthusiastic, relatable, positive, optimistic,” he said. “Let’s be more normal.”

He dismissed any talk of merging with Reform UK, describing it as a “pale imitation” of the Conservative Party and taking credit for policies such as Brexit. “Reform didn’t deliver Brexit, I did. Reform didn’t cut immigration, I did,” he added, saying there would be “no mergers, no deals.”

His platform prioritised cutting “bad taxes” like stamp duty and ensuring that work always pays by making sure the state never takes more than half of every pound that someone earns. He also committed to increasing defence spending to 3% of GDP and promised to “build, build, build” while safeguarding the greenbelt.

In a dig at other rivals who he said lacked experience in big Cabinet roles, Cleverly said: “We need to choose someone to lead us who has already done their apprenticeship, and get this party winning again.”

Robert Jenrick

Robert Jenrick framed his campaign as a bid to return to Thatcherite conservatism, vowing to overhaul the party just as she did in the 1970s. “We must free ourselves from Tony Blair’s Human Rights Act and leave the ECHR,” he declared, promising a tougher stance on migration and national sovereignty.

He said the Tories had failed “failed to deliver the strong NHS, the strong economy and, yes, the strong border we promised”.

Jenrick criticised Labour’s policies, accusing them of “robbing poor pensioners to placate union paymasters,” and set out a “New Conservative Party” vision. He argued that the “sheer scale” of mass migration was undermining Britain’s social cohesion and vowed to introduce an “effective freeze” on migration numbers, in reference to his long-standing pledge to reduce net migration.

In language used by Reform UK MPs, Jenrick outlined five key ‘stands’ that the Tories must make. These included “securing our borders” by deporting illegal migrants, managing net zero policies sensibly, and building more housing while protecting the countryside. Jenrick also pledged to restore Britain’s identity and culture, standing up to the “establishment that puts Britain last”.

Kemi Badenoch

Kemi Badenoch delivered a fiery speech, declaring “I’m here to say enough,” as she took aim at both Labour and her own party’s recent shortcomings. She argued that the Conservative Party had lost faith in its core values, saying “we stopped being leaders and became managers,” and called for the Tories to return to being the party of wealth creation.

Badenoch took aim at Keir Starmer, referring to him as “socialism in a suit,” and warned that Labour’s leadership would push the country into decline. “The Conservative Party reverses decline,” she claimed, as she laid out her vision for a revitalised and principled future for the party.

Recalling her upbringing in Nigeria, Badenoch said she deeply valued “Conservative freedoms” and had “seen what happens when a country loses sight of those principles.”

She expressed scepticism about current net zero policies, stressing that while she believes in climate change, the response must align with Conservative principles. She also noted that young Tories often feel pressured to hide their political beliefs due to fear of backlash or being “marked down” in academic settings.

On policy, Badenoch announced a “once in a generation” reform, promising a “comprehensive plan to reprogramme the British state.” Her proposals included overhauling international agreements, human rights laws, the Treasury, the Bank of England, the civil service, and the NHS.

Following some rather dramatic introduction music, and another version of a ‘change’ video, which have been used to introduce all major speakers this week, the PM took to the stage, grinning with joy, ready to deliver his first speech as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. 

From the off, Starmer reminded conference that “change has begun”, reeling off everything that Labour have achieved, and are on their way to achieving so far. He pledged to introduce the Hillsborough law to parliament before the anniversary of the disaster next April, and emphasised his goal of “putting politics back in the service of working people”. Echoing Reeve’s remarks from yesterday, Starmer made it clear that “service doesn’t mean we’ll get everything right, [it] doesn’t mean everyone will agree” but affirmed his belief that “the British people want, and need, the mandate that [they] have won”. 

The last few days have been rife with speculation as to whether the PM would address recent donation controversy in his speech today, in a bid to calm the media’s scrutiny and halt it in it’s tracks. At the podium today, Starmer claimed that “the bad faith advice from people who still hanker for the politics of noisy performance” is “water off a ducks back, mere glitter off a shirt cuff”, a gentle nod to last year’s glitter-filled stage invasion which gave way to Labour To Win’s slogan of ‘Sparkle With Starmer’; “It has never distracted me, it won’t distract me now”, he affirmed. Only time will tell whether this has been successful in moving the narrative away from ‘donor-gate’.

The PM moved his speech on to Labour’s place internationally, and, to the excitement of the audience, called unwaveringly for “restraint and de-escalation on the border of Lebanon and Israel”, as well as an “immediate ceasefire in Gaza” and “a recognised Palestinian state alongside a safe and secure Israel”. The PM committed to standing by these stances over the next few days at the UN General Assembly. 

If you thought his speech would go off without a hitch today, think again! After being interrupted by a heckler, Starmer joked, “his pass must be from the 2019 conference”, again reiterating that Labour are no longer the “party of protest” and have “changed”. Catching up with Ellie Reeves MP after the speech, we asked her whether she thought refusing to engage with protestors undermined democracy, she told us that “Labour suffered one of it’s worst defeats” in 2019, and that the party are committed to a “country first party second” mentality. She also said that Starmer should “have the right” to make his conference speech “without interruption”. 

Other key moments from his speech included a commitment to housing veterans, affirmation of the right to access to cultural capital, and “no return to Tory austerity”. 

If you want to catch up on the key moments from the PM’s speech, our live coverage is available on X/Twitter.

The Chancellor’s speech had a real taste of hope and ambition, boasting that “Labour is back in the service of communities [they] should never have lost”. She spoke fondly of Labour women before her, such as Harriet Harman, and thanked those who came before her for paving the way for her to become the first female chancellor. Reeves believes that Labour “were elected because, for the first time in almost two decades, people looked at us, looked at me, and decided that Labour could be trusted with their money”.

Reeves spoke strongly of the apparent mess left behind by the Conservatives, acknowledging that “trust is earned, but easily squandered”, “just ask the Conservatives”, she joked. She blamed the failure of the Conservative Party on their insistence on “clinging to the discredited, trickle down and trickle our dogma”, ultimately focussing on “putting party before country” and not understanding “the world as it is today”. 

Later interrupted by a pro-Palestine protestor, shouting about the government’s continued arms sales to Israel, Reeves proclaimed that “we are the changed Labour Party that represents working people, not a party of protest”, a line similar to that used by Starmer when heckled at a rally during the election campaign. 

It’s been a trying few weeks for the Chancellor, coming under scrutiny for introducing measures to means test the winter fuel allowance, and more recently becoming embroiled in the cabinet-wide donations scandal. Reeves touched on this today in her speech, telling conference that “I know that not everyone in this hall, or in this country, will agree with every decision I’ll make, but I will not duck those decisions, not for political expediency, not for personal advantage”. 

Returning back to a theme of positive change, Reeves pledged “no return to austerity”, promising an autumn budget with “real ambition” which “will keep our manifeso commitment”. She also made promises not to raise income tax in this budget, declaring no further taxation on working people, instead focusing on filling the public spending deficit by cracking down on tax avoidance and evasion, increasing the levy on oil and gas producers, and ending non-dom tax loopholes. 

Catching up with delegates outside the conference hall, it’s clear that Reeves’ message of hope and change resonated with the audience, who spoke of “total trust” and “absolute confidence” in the chancellor and her plans for the economy. 

The stage is set here in Liverpool, with a packed-out conference hall and a lively exhibition room drawing in Labour members, councillors, delegates and MPs from across the country. The party’s annual conference has seemingly fell at just the right time this year, with a trying few weeks clearly marking the end of Starmer’s honeymoon period after just over two months in office. 

With what feels like scandal after scandal, it’s clear some are beginning to wonder if anything has really changed at all, and when the entire premise of Labour’s landslide victory hinges on just that one word of ‘change’, that’s proving to be a very big issue. In fact, the latest Opinium poll has ranked Starmer’s popularity at -26% – one point lower than former PM, Rishi Sunak’s net approval rating. 

Sue Gray, former civil servant and the PM’s current chief of staff, first rose to prominence for heading the Partygate investigations into Boris Johnson and his cabinet during the COVID-19 pandemic. She later left the civil service and joined Starmer’s team in September 2023. Recent reports placed Gray at the centre of some hefty controversy, after they revealed that she’d asked for – and been given – a whopping salary of £170,000, around £3,000 more than the PM himself. Sparking debate about whether such a large salary is deserved during such trying times, this discovery has left the country wondering whether Starmer really has enough power and control to be calling the shots. 

That’s not all for Gray either, who’s also found herself caught up in the donations scandal, after it was revealed that she granted Labour peer, Lord Alli his all-access Downing Street pass shortly after he donated £10,000 to boost the election campaign of her son, the new MP for Beckenham and Penge, Liam Conlon. The pass has reportedly been retracted following heavy media scrutiny. 

So, on the party’s biggest week, has Gray dodged of her own volition? Or has the PM asked her to keep her distance to avoid a media pile-on? It is claimed that her no-show was planned, giving her time to prepare for the UN General Assembly next week – but, as probably one of the most controversial figures in the Labour Party at present, her absence seems too well-timed to be a convenience coincidence. 

The leader of Reform wants to democratise the party and have strength at local levels. Farage, who owns 60 per cent of the party, wants to get rid of the limited status and run it as a traditional political party, saying in a video on X: “I am relinquishing control of the company, and indeed of the overall control of the party, it’s now going to be the members, and that, I think, is the right thing, and it’s the right thing because this conference marks the coming of age of Reform UK, and that’s something that I’m very, very excited about.”

Yesterday, the party’s chairman, Zia Yusuf, put the motion to a vote, subsequently changing the party’s structure to a non-profit. This means members now have the power to hold a vote of no-confidence in the leader. To trigger such a vote, over 50 per cent of members have to write to the chairman requesting a ballot, or 50 Reform MPs must do the same. As the party only has five MPs, Farage doesn’t have to worry about the latter for now.

The 60-year-old leader reflected on the recent election, stating that “extremist” candidates had jeopardised their overall chances. Farage emphasised the need for better vetting, as “extremely racist candidates” caused “enormous” damage.

However, with the ambition to unlock the doors to Downing Street in the next election, Farage has outlined steps to convince the public that his party is a real electoral vehicle. He has claimed the party has to be more like the Liberal Democrats in “everything except policy.”

“I never thought I’d say this, but we have to model ourselves on the Liberal Democrats. That doesn’t mean that you’ll see me cascading down waterfalls and I won’t behave in a way that I think is particularly stupid even if others think I do.

“But the Liberal Democrats build branches, the Liberal Democrats win seats at district, county and unitary levels”, he added.

“The Liberal Democrats build on that strength, the Liberal Democrats put literature and leaflets through doors repeatedly in their target areas.

“And despite the fact they haven’t got any policies at all – in fact the whole thing’s really rather vacuous isn’t it – they managed with a vote much lower than ours to win 72 seats in Parliament.”

Farage called on audience members to help build these local groups, even advertising area manager job vacancies, in an effort to become electorally viable. Doncaster, for example, was a location he pinpointed. Reform secured second place in 10 seats across Yorkshire in July’s election and is now targeting areas with coalfield communities.

Reform UK is set to hold events in Wales, Scotland, and across the English regions as it aims for representation in the Senedd and local councils. The North East and South West regions were within Reform’s eye as it concluded their party conference. 

Amongst the fun-filled agenda, the party aimed to portray a serious message that they are the real opposition to the new Labour government, particularly on issues like the NHS, social care, and the environment.

They chose a great weekend and perfect location for their stunt-filled conference, the weather in Brighton remaining warm and sunny throughout; fitting for a party who firmly believe their fortunes are on the up. There was rarely a speech where “72 MPs” wasn’t mentioned, and there was a real sense of optimism and hope that the party could press on, defeat the Tories and soon become the official opposition to Labour.

After hopping off his jet-ski and getting changed out of his wetsuit, party leader Ed Davey told journalists that he wants the Lib Dems to be a “much better than the Conservatives” and promised that voters would hear “much more” from them after their election success.

In his Sunday Q&A session, he told party members that “we’ve knocked down a lot of the blue wall [former Tory seats], and we’re gonna knock down the rest of it”. Deputy Leader Daisy Cooper told journalists in the media room that the Lib Dems will continue to highlight the Tory’s NHS record and remind the public why they lost so badly on July 4th. She further suggested that the Conservative party actively threatens liberalism itself, citing internationalism, environmentalism and equality as the values at risk.

This inevitably drew questions of whether the Lib Dems were more focused on opposing the Conservative opposition than the new Labour government, which Cooper denied, arguing that her party wants to help clean up the mess left by the Tories by pointing out Labour mistakes.

Health and social care were the primary focuses of the conference, with the party calling on Labour to grant emergency funding for the NHS in this October’s Autumn Budget. Prime Minister Keir Starmer confirmed last week that the NHS would receive “no more money without reform”. The Lib Dem position is that investment and reform should come simultaneously, with Daisy Cooper calling the state of UK hospitals “terrible” and promising that her party would pressure Labour to “fix our crumbling hospitals and to end the crisis in social care”.

In her conference speech, Cooper shared a personal story about her experience in the NHS, telling members that doctors told her that, without major surgery, she only had 4 days left to live. She was further told that her Crohn’s disease may not allow her to work ever again. Eventually making a full recovery, Cooper said the NHS both saved her life and “gave me life back”, but feared that someone going through the same experience today may not be so lucky. She said the Tories brought the NHS “to its knees” and vowed to hold Labour’s “feet to the fire” if they failed to address the problem effectively.

Ed Davey’s speech served as the finale event for the party conference, and he maintained the up-beat mood, thanking members, volunteers, councillors and candidates for their efforts over the election campaign. Maintaining the party’s focus on the NHS, he called on Labour to establish a new ‘Winterproof NHS taskforce’, which he said could “make this year the last winter crisis in our NHS”. He said that every year governments announce “hundreds of millions of pounds of emergency funding to help the NHS through another winter crisis” and argued that instead of “just plugging the gaps” the government should invest now to “make the NHS winterproof”.

Davey vowed to hold Labour to account “for the promises they made to clear up the Conservatives’ mess” and to “champion practical, hopeful solutions for a better future”. His speech encapsulated the overall conference message that, going forward, the Lib Dems would point out Conservative failings, and scrutinise Labour’s plans carefully, attempting to offer hope against Starmer’s “doom and gloom”.